9.5. Special gender-related issues
9.5.1.
Introduction
“Gender” refers to
the social construction of what it means to be a man or a woman. In contrast to
“sex” which refers to biological and physiological differences between men and
women, “gender” describes roles, responsibilities, activities and norms about
acceptable behaviour for women and men in a specific culture, all of which may
undergo changes in a given context.
Differences in
prevalence / incidence, natural history, diagnosis, and treatment of disease
between men and women have been frequently documented. Women differ greatly
from men in how their bodies are affected by major diseases (Denton, 2004;
Iredale, 2007); e.g. risk factors, symptoms and treatment of cardiovascular
diseases vary between the genders. Differences in health behaviour (e.g.
tobacco use), risk taking, and medical care utilisation are major components
contributing to gender differences in health and longevity. Interactions
between the social environment, genes and biology are responsible for the
observed differences in longevity, health and human development between men and
women. Exploration of gene-environment interactions is fundamental to the
understanding of gender-specific health.
In general, women experience greater morbidity
than men although women’s life expectancy is higher. As the proportion of women
in the population increases through lifetime, women are at a higher risk for
experiencing age-related morbidity and are less likely to rely on assistance
from a spousal partner (Wang et al 2004). The female adult mortality
rate is lower than the male adult mortality rate in almost all countries in the
world. The expected number of years to be lived by a female newborn is at least
80 in most Western European countries and 75 for males. In Eastern Europe and Romania, this figure may be up to five years less than the European average for females, while in Latvia it is ten years less than the average for males (WHO HFA-DB, 2006). In older ages,
women have clear survival advantages compared to men (UN, 2005). Much of
women’s health risk is associated not only to biological differences between
men and women and to the
reproductive role women have, but also to gender inequality in social,
educational, cultural and economic status. In addition, women have lower access
to healthcare and encounter high risk sexual intercourse and violence more
often than men
As a movement,
men’s health is only beginning to gain momentum. Western societies typically
ignore the economic and political significance of the processes of
socialisation that prepare men to fight in wars or to work in hazardous
industries. Little regard is collectively given to the contribution of these
factors to the ill-health of men. Research into men’s health is lacking but it
is important in order to generate a more comprehensive and less naïve
understanding of what engenders or endangers the health of men and of those
with whom they live and work.
A reduction has
been seen in cardiovascular disease mortality – primarily through medical
advancement, and influenced heavily by a decline in smoking in the last quarter
of the twentieth century. Smoking has been identified as a primary determinant
of the convergence in mortality differentials between men and women in
industrialised countries. As women begin to smoke later than men and are slower
to quit smoking, women’s smoking rates continue to rise in some European
countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Portugal and Slovenia). As a result, the gap between men’s and women’s life expectancy is low by
historical standards (Cutler et al, 2005)
Psychosocial determinants
of health are generally more important for women, while behavioural
determinants are more important for men. Higher rates of accidents (traffic
accidents, work-related accidents) and violence-related mortality in men seem
to be due to differences in gender norms about risk-taking and social
protection. The described gender differences contribute to inequalities in
health between men and women.
Loosening of
social norms about women’s work outside of the home in European countries is
related to increases in psychosocial stress and poor health in women, who have
to balance responsibilities at home and at work (Lorber, 2005). For what
concerns women’s health, it is essential to consider a lifespan and multiple
role perspective.
Gender-specific health
is multi-determined and includes many modifiable factors which need to be
identified and considered in appropriate interventions.
There is still a
lack of data on gender differences in health and changing gender relations
which have profound influence on patterns of health and disease (Walter, 2004).
The significant
differences in the way men and women are diagnosed and treated within the
various healthcare systems in Europe stem from both biological factors and
disease prevalence. An increasing body of evidence suggests that women do not
receive as effective treatment or health information as men and that women may
respond differently to the treatment they receive. Most research and clinical
trials are made on men, with results extrapolated to women. Research on the
types of treatment that are best for women remains limited. Furthermore, women
and young girls are disproportionately represented among the most vulnerable
population groups.
Economic
inequalities mean that in many countries women have difficulty in acquiring the
basic necessities for a healthy life. The overwhelming majority of single
parents are women, and women with children have lower employment rates than
those without. Women can be debilitated by unshared domestic work, especially when
combined with inadequate resources.
Biologically,
women are more susceptible to several medical conditions. More gender
disaggregated research is needed to establish the differential life experiences
of men and women during the lifespan.