11.3.2.
Pharmaceuticals
Pharmaceutical policy
varies across European countries according to the balance between health policy
and industrial policy objectives. On the one hand, governments want to secure
health policy objectives in order to protect the public’s health, guarantee
access to safe and effective medicines and control costs. On the other hand,
the industrial policy seeks to promote research and development for new
innovative medicines, and provide economic incentives for the industry to
thrive. Governments choose a mix of different controls and regulations to
balance these objectives and to ensure spending on pharmaceuticals is efficient
and controlled.
As observed
above, a relatively consistent pattern of health expenditure growth was seen in
most European countries in the past decades. The pharmaceutical sector has
received considerable attention because of the relatively high growth rate seen
since data records began; technological advance has been identified as one of
the main drivers of expenditure in the health system. Indeed, as shown in Table
11.7, the growth in spending on pharmaceuticals as a proportion of total health
spending has been significant in many countries. Between 1990 and 2004, where
data exist, the proportion of expenditure allocated to pharmaceuticals
increased by about 20% or more in almost half the countries, representing an
increase in percentage points of 2.5 in Austria (between 1995 and 2005), 3.8 in Belgium, 4 in Sweden, 6.9 in Finland and 9% in the Czech Republic (Table
11.7).
Additionally,
while most healthcare in the EU is publicly funded, the pharmaceutical sector
relies heavily on private sources of financing. Public expenditure on
pharmaceuticals is less than 60% of total spending in Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland and Portugal (HFA 2007)3. Estimates of pharmaceutical expenditure include both
prescription and over-the-counter drugs, with the latter that normally remain
outside of the statutory health insurance system. The public share of total
pharmaceutical spending actually declined over the period 1996 to 2004/5 in
some countries, including the Czech Republic, Hungary,
Iceland, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal and Sweden (HFA 2007). This could be
due to cost containment efforts throughout the 1990s. Over the same period,
however, even more countries saw an increase in the public share of spending
i.e. Austria, Belgium, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Norway, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland and Turkey (HFA 2007).
Table 11.7. Spending on pharmaceuticals as a proportion
(%) of total health expenditure, 1990-2005
Pharmaceutical
policy consists of a wide range of regulatory decisions about market
authorization, pricing and reimbursement (i.e. the level of public subsidy).
While at EU level there has been a harmonization of market authorization via
the European Medicines Agency (EMEA), pricing and reimbursement policies vary
across the EU Member States.
One of the
primary mechanisms governments use to control pharmaceutical expenditure is
price regulation. Common methods include direct fixed price control, profit
control, international price comparisons and reference pricing. Price fixing is
based on what is determined to be a ‘reasonable’ price for the product based on
balancing affordability and effectiveness. Setting a maximum price can be done
through negotiated prices, price-caps, and price comparisons with other
countries; the least transparent of these approaches is the one of negotiations
between industry and government. International price comparisons to determine
prices are used in most countries, including countries in central and Eastern
Europe and all countries in Western Europe except Germany and the UK.
Reference
pricing, a form of indirect price control, refers to setting a maximum
reimbursement level which the third-party payer - whether government or
insurance fund - pays. The reference price can be defined in different ways,
such as the lowest priced generic equivalent available on the market (as in
Denmark, Italy and Portugal), the average or median price of drugs with similar
pharmacotherapeutic effects (as in Germany and the Netherlands) or at a
proportion lower than the price of the original branded drug (as in Belgium,
fixed at 26% lower) (Mrazek and Mossialos, 2004). Reference pricing is also widely used in
central and Eastern European countries, including the Czech Republic,
Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. Reference pricing
can also be linked to reimbursement decisions by setting a maximum level of
reimbursement by the payer beyond which the patient must bare the additional
cost of a more expensive product. Evidence suggests, however, that where cost
savings through reference price systems have been shown, these were generally
only on a short-term basis (Mossialos et al, 2006).
Profit control
as a method for limiting spending on drugs is currently exclusively used in the
UK, where there is a free pricing at the time of launch, but later profits are
clawed back by the government (the maximum allowable profit is set at 21% rate
of return on capital). Because expenditure depends on a combination of price
and volume, direct price regulation schemes may not be effective in controlling
expenditure since savings could be offset by volume increases. Furthermore,
price control systems currently do not provide incentives to reward the
therapeutic value of a drug and clinical gains. While the price control system
in the UK may not have been successful at containing costs, it does encourage
innovation (Mossialos et al, 2006).
Reimbursement
decisions about whether and at what level to reimburse the cost of drugs to the
insurance beneficiaries depend both on negotiations between the pharmaceutical
company and the payer, and policy decisions regarding cost-sharing arrangements.
Increasingly, economic evaluation is being used to make reimbursement
decisions, e.g. in Finland and the UK. However, there are numerous challenges
with this approach, such as deciding what costs and consequences to include in
the analysis, how to ensure the consistent application of guidelines across
studies, limited ‘generalizability’ of the results due to context-specific
factors, and the extensive resources needed to undertake analysis. Many
countries are now including economic concepts in applying for reimbursement
listing; however, the extent to which this information is used by payers is not
always clear. In Finland a product’s price and reimbursement is explicitly
linked to the results of economic evaluation, but in many other countries (Denmark,
Switzerland, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Portugal, Norway, England, Wales,
and the Baltic States), economic evidence is considered to some extent in
pricing. This practice is either under preparation or rising in influence in
France, Greece, Poland, Spain, Hungary, Slovenia, the Czech
Republic and Slovakia. In Germany and France cost-effectiveness
analysis is used to inform decisions about reimbursement, but not prices
(although it is becoming more important for pricing in France).
Other possible
pricing mechanisms to contain costs include the Ramsay method – stating that
prices should differ across market segments inversely with their demand
elasticity - or that governments purchase patents and release them for public
use through auction. More importantly in containing pharmaceutical costs and
encouraging innovation and best value, however, is the integration of pricing
and reimbursement activities, as increasingly seen in some countries such as
Belgium, the Netherlands and Sweden (Mossialos et al, 2006).
The substitution
of less expensive generic drugs for brand name drugs once the pharmaceutical
patent has expired is also a favoured approach in Europe. Generic equivalents
are less expensive because of the existence of competition, with different
mechanisms employed across European countries to encourage the uptake of
generics. For example, financial incentives for pharmacists such as higher
margins or additional payments may provide an incentive to dispense a
lower-cost generic equivalent (e.g. in France, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain
and the UK). Similarly, in Romania and Estonia, pharmacists are required to
dispense the least-cost multi-sourced product. However, this policy is
contingent on the pharmacists being authorized to make changes to a physician’s
prescription, such as substituting a generic equivalent for a branded drug. In
some countries physicians are mandated or encouraged to prescribe by generic
name, as in Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, Portugal, the Uk and in some regions in Spain. Since generic
substitution is only permitted in some countries (e.g. Denmark, Finland,
France, Norway, Spain, with the physician’s consent in Poland, and only if the
original brand is not available, in the Czech Republic)
financial incentives are instead placed on patients in the form of reference
pricing (as mentioned above). Policies to promote generic drugs are prevalent
in Europe, with most countries choosing a combination of approaches. These have
contributed to the growing share of the pharmaceutical market held by generics,
although it is not so clear to what extent they have slowed overall expenditure
growth.
In containing
pharmaceutical costs, much depends on whether physicians are given the
appropriate incentives to prescribe generics when possible and aim for best
value for money. Recent years have seen a growth in initiatives focusing on
incentives for physicians, such as individual, practice or collective
prescribing budgets in the UK and Germany, or prescribing guidelines in France.
Evidence of the impact of this different type of incentives is not conclusive.
Their effectiveness relies on both adequate information systems to track the
guidelines, and also explicit quality assurance mechanisms (Mossialos et al, 2005).
Data and
information on pharmaceuticals and medical technologies
Where possible,
the EMEA will endeavour to use data on EU27 countries from 1992 onwards.
However, publicly available/non-proprietary data on the status and use of
pharmaceuticals in the EU25 market is limited. Although OECD, EUROSTAT and WHO
Europe provide excellent data on health status, causes of death and healthcare
spend, they have little information on the availability and use of
pharmaceuticals in Europe. In addition, much of the information that the EMEA
holds internally is classified as confidential due to ongoing procedures or
company agreements.
Table 11.8. Contribution of European countries to global
prescription drug market by value (2006)
Europe remains
the second largest pharmaceutical market in the world with prescription drug
sales of $181.8bn in 2006. However, growth rates of all other regions, except
Japan, exceed that of Europe (4.8%). This trend is expected to continue in
future years, particularly with the rapid emergence of developing
pharmaceutical markets in China and India.
Figure 11.4. Relative prices of drugs across EU25 based on price
data from 181 pharmaceutical products (2005)
The total cost
of pharmaceuticals to society is highest in Germany, followed by Denmark,
Ireland and Italy. Eastern European pharmaceutical markets, as represented by
Lithuania, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary, have
the lowest cost.
Research and development into priority
diseases.
Figure 11.5. Current levels of research and development into WHO
priority diseases in the developed world (2007)
To date, the
highest number of products under development in Europe, in accordance with the
World Health Organization (WHO) priority-list-of-diseases, are anti-neoplastic
agents (figure 11.5).
Therapeutic focus of products approved at
Community level and forecast for the years 2008-2010
Figure 11.6. Therapeutic focus of products approved at Community
level by ATC-1 therapy area (2004-2010)
The expected
product-mix of prospective applications for marketing authorisation to be
submitted at Community level through centralised procedure shows stability in
the main therapeutic areas with the class of anti-neoplastic and
immunomodulating agents remaining dominant and representing approximately 20%
of the overall product-mix (figure 11.6.).