AUTHOR'S
PREFACE
When this study was published for
the first time in August of 1963, the propaganda and diplomacy of Communism
were making ever‑increasing efforts to establish a regime of peaceful
coexistence between the capitalist and communist worlds. At that time, a new
set of relations between the East and the West was only beginning to emerge
from the period of the Cold War.
The
special targets of the "pacifistic" Soviet effort were the two great
pillars of resistance to Communism: in the material sphere, the United States,
and in the spiritual sphere, the Catholic Church.
The
propaganda directed by Moscow against the United States employed useful
innocents ‑ of an innocence at times contestable, but of an indisputable
utility ‑ to spread an atmosphere of sentimental and pacifistic optimism,
which surreptitiously led Americans to forget the experience of the past and to
hope for a definitive reconciliation with the smiling Soviet leaders of the
post‑Stalinist era.
This
same atmosphere was spread in the bosom of the Church, carried out in the first
place by groups of theologians and men of action, some of whom were ingenuous
and others declaredly leftist. The illusion that a truly peaceful coexistence
was possible between the Church and the Communist regimes continued to gain
ground, in spite of the fact that the anti‑religious campaign proceeded
with full rigor throughout the Communist world.
This study was written in order to create as many obstacles as possible
in Catholic circles to this deceitful "pacifistic" maneuver of
Moscow.
* * *
From
that time until now, over the course of the years, editions of this work have
been published one after another: nine in Portuguese, one in German, eleven in
Spanish, three in French, one in Hungarian, four in English, two in Italian,
and one in Polish, for a total of 144,000 copies, not counting its complete
transcription in more than thirty newspapers and magazines in eleven different countries.
At
the same time, events developed on the international scene. And as these events
manifest themselves now, they impose the following conclusion: the “pacifistic”
efforts of Moscow have accumulated, managing to work immense transformations
and attaining to a large extent the goals at which they were aimed.
The
"detente" promoted by Nixon and Kissinger between the West and the
Communist nations continues obstinately. The Vatican is also "relaxing
tensions" in a most impressive way in respect to its relations with the
governments of Moscow and the various satellite nations. At the same time,
ecumenism has provided the instrumentality for establishing increasingly
frequent relations between the Catholic Church and the schismatic church. ("Orthodox")
subordinated to Moscow.
As
milestones of this diplomatic and religious rapprochement between the Church
and the Communist world, it is not superfluous to call to mind some great
events: the omission of any censure of Communism by the Second Vatican Council;
the agreements of the Vatican with Yugoslavia, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia,
and East Germany; the Apostolic Letter Octogesima
Adveniens; the difficulties between Cardinal Slipyi and the Catholics of
the Ukrainian Rite and the Holy See; the dismissal of Cardinal Mindszenty from
the archiepiscopal See of Esztergom; and the signing by the Vatican of the
Helsinki accords.
Distinct
from the twofold "detente" (Moscow-Washington and Moscow‑Vatican)
but like it is the ferment that is spreading within the more flexible political
spheres of Western and Eastern Europe, in favor of "convergence." As
everyone knows, this tendency, which is expressed on different levels and which
bears various labels, is aimed at bringing about the adoption of the same socio‑economic
regime in all nations. Such a regime would fall somewhere between one based on
individual property and one imposing collective property. If such a tendency
succeeds in prevailing, the non‑communist world will have taken an
immense step toward the left. And the more "ductile" part of the
Communist world will perhaps have taken a tiny step toward the regime of
private property. Such a solution would permit one to perceive the advent of
the day when the nations so "converged" would take another "convergent"
step toward the part of the world which is irreducibly Communist. In this way,
they would virtually arrive at Communism. The future will show that the various
stages of "convergence" are nothing more than so many stages in the
march toward the most extreme and radical pole of Communism.
All of this is so, be it understood, if Providence does not bring to a
halt this immense process by which the world is being conquered by Communism,
but we are certain that Providence will intervene.
When this panorama is considered as a whole, it gives us an overwhelming vision of the escalation
of Communist power in the world. And it imposes on us a question: Are there
still other aspects of this escalation to be considered?
It would be impossible not to mention three of them‑ a) there is a
malaise between Western Europe and the United States that gravely threatens
the Atlantic alliance; b) the economy of the West is apparently being eroded
by an economic and financial crisis, which is confused in its causes and in its
manifestations; c) finally, in another order of facts the military power of
Russia is growing increasingly: while the international influence of the United
States is withdrawing everywhere as it permits its military power to be
overtaken or surpassed by the Russians.
If anyone had dared to forecast such calamities in the year that this
study was first published, he would have found very few people who would have
believed him. And the majority of the people today, face to face with these
incontestable facts, do not recognize them as being surprising, much less
calamitous.
That is perhaps the worst of the calamities ‑ the torpor of the
good.
* * *
Under the circumstances, what is the good of this new edition of a work which
calls us to struggle against an adversary whose final victory already appears,
even before it is consummated, to be irreversible to so many pusillanimous
spirits.
I advise certain kinds of people not to read this essay. It was not
written for compliant mentalities who worship the "fait accompli,"
nor for slothful and fearful persons who view effort and risk as an evil which
they are never disposed to face. Still less is it for the ambitious who try to
guess the trend of events so that they may perceive before whom they must bow
down in order to rise more rapidly in wealth and power.
The ones who will most especially waste their time reading this essay
are the men without faith, who do not believe in God and who consider the
course of history, in epochs of catastrophe and decadence, to be exclusively
subject to blind social and economic forces, or to the personalities, both
insipid and monstrous, who at those times appear on the crest of events.
The persons in these various categories are not prepared to give due
weight to the fact that public opinion was mysteriously put to sleep, but by no
means conquered, by Soviet propaganda. Today it continues to be just as
absolutely true as it was in 1963 that Communism has never shown itself to be
the majority position in free and honest national elections.1
Accordingly, the thirteen years that have elapsed since 1963 have seen a
pertinacious and general rejection
Communism in the West. Add to this the fact that inconformity with
Communism, intact in the West, has done nothing but grow behind the Iron Curtain
during these same thirteen years. The manifestations of this fact are so
numerous and so notorious that I dispense myself from commenting on them.
In summation, then, Communism has power, gold, and propaganda at its
service. And it has not ceased to grow among certain corrupt elites. But with
the multitudes, the case is different, for, on the one hand, Communism does not
win them over, and, on the other hand, it loses them. In the face of these
facts, the power of Communism, which is as formidable as a giant, allows its
feet of clay to show through as being quite bare.
Only men of faith, who do not permit themselves to be deceived by the
whirlwind of publicity raised up around the supposed Communist omnipotence,
see with full clarity that those feet are made of clay. They believe in God,
confide in the Virgin, and are firmly disposed to enter into the struggle
against the giant, having an unshakable certainty that the final victory
belongs to them.
One may hope that such men, who know how to see that the feet of the
colossus are of clay, will trample on those feet. This essay was written for
such men. By proving the impossibility of coexistence between the Church and
the Communist regimes, this work aims to help them to solidify themselves in a
position of absolute rejection of the Communist onslaughts. And it constitutes
a stimulus for them, in ever growing numbers, to attack this terribly great and
ridiculously weak adversary. We repeat: Since they are fighting for the Cause
of God, they will have the help of Heaven with them, and will be able, with the
help of the Virgin, to renew the face of the Earth.
‑ Plinio Correa de Oliveira
* * *
Among those persons interested in the problem of the relation between
the Church and the State, I believe there are those who will receive with understanding
some reflections on a modern aspect of this problem, that is, the freedom of
the Church in a Communist State.
Before taking up this matter, it seems necessary to define the natural
limits of this essay. It is a study of the question of whether peaceful
coexistence between the Church and the Communist regime is licit in states
where this regime prevails.
This theme should not be confused with another ‑ that of peaceful
coexistence on the international plane of different states living under
different political, economic, or social regimes. Nor should it be confused
with the problem of diplomatic relations between the Holy See and nations
subject to the Communist yoke.
Since each of these two themes has unique characteristics and
perspectives, to discuss either of them even briefly would involve making this
study too lengthy. Therefore, we will not discuss them in this work, which is
devoted exclusively to investigating whether, and under what conditions, the
Church can maintain a truly free coexistence with a Communist regime.
After these observations, let us approach the question, starting with an
analysis of the facts.
* * *
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