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Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira
Church and communist state

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  • 7.     Resolving Final Objections
    • 4
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4. The coexistence of the Church with a Com­munist State would be possible if all owners re­nounced their rights.

In the hypothesis of a Communist inspired tyr­anny, prepared to exercise every type of violence to impose, the regime of the community of goods, and of owners who persist in affirming their rights against the State (which neither created them nor can valid­ly suppress them), what is the solution for the ten­sion resulting therefrom?

Offhand we do not see any other except fighting. This would not be just any fight, however, but a fight to the death of all Catholics faithful to the principle of private property, Catholics placed in an attitude of legitimate defense against the extermina­ting action of a tyrannical power whose bestial brutality in the face of the refusal of the Church can reach inconceivable extremes. In short, it would be a revolt, a revolution with all of the atrocious episodes inherent to it, accompanied by the general impover­ishment and the inevitable uncertainties regarding the outcome of the tragedy.

This being established, one might ask if the owners would not have in conscience, then, the duty of renouncing their rights in favor of the common welfare, thus allowing the establishment of a com­munity of goods upon a morally legitimate founda­tion, according to which a Catholic could accept, without problems of conscience, the Communist regime.

This proposition is inconsistent. It confuses the institution of private property, as such, with the property rights of persons concretely existing at a given historical moment. Let us admit as valid the renunciation by these persons of their patrimony, imposed under the effects of a brutal menace to the common welfare; their rights in such a case would cease: From thence, however, there would not fol­low in any way the elimination of private property as an institution. It would continue to exist, so to speak, "in radice," in the very natural order of things, as immutably indispensable to the spiritual and material welfare of men and of nations, and as an unshakeable imperative of the Law of God.

And because it continues to exist thus "in ra­dice," that is, in its root, it would spring up again at every moment. Every time, for example, that a fisherman or a hunter took something, from the sea or from the air, necessary to maintain himself and to accumulate a saving, and every time that an intellec­tual or a manual laborer produced more than the indispensable to live from day to day, and reserved for himself the surplus, there would be constituted again small private properties, generated in the depths of the natural order of things. And, as is normal, these properties would tend to increase ... To avoid the antiCommunist revolution yet again, it would be necessary to be repeating the renuncia­tions at every moment, which, as is evident, leads to the absurd.

Besides, in numerous cases, the individual could not perform such a renunciation without sinning against charity towards himself in addition, such a renunciation would frequently clash with the rights of another institution having a profound affinity with property, and even more sacred than it; that is, the family. Indeed, many would be the cases in which a member of a family could not practice such a renunciation without failing in justice or charity to his own.

PRIVATE PROPERTY AND THE PRACTICE OF JUSTICE: Now, after having described and jus­tified this continuous revival of the right of property, we shall make a few comments that could not have been offered before with the necessary clarity.

These comments concern the virtue of justice in its relations with private property. In section VI, no. 2, letter b of this work, we spoke of the role of property in the knowledge of, and the love of, the virtue of justice. Now we will consider the role of property in the practice of justice.

Granted that the rights of property are springing up at every moment in Communist countries as in others, then it follows that the collectivist State that confiscates the goods of individuals places itself, in all morality, in the position of a thief. And those persons who receive the confiscated goods from the State are in principle, in relation to the owner who has been despoiled, like those who enrich themselves with stolen goods.

Starting from this point, any moralist will easily foresee the immense train of difficulties that the collectivization of goods will bring to the practice of the virtue of justice. These difficulties will be such that, above all in police States, they will demand frequently, perhaps at each moment, heroic acts on the part of every Catholic. This is another proof of the impossibility of coexistence between the Church and the Communist State.

 




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