3. The Great Factor in the Rise of
Socialism in France: Abstention Prevails in the Center and the Right
Observers
and analysts of the recent presidential elections in France are certain that
the victorious leftist candidate was helped by votes from considerable sectors
of the center and the right. Since Mitterrand's margin over his opponent
was 1,065,956 votes (3.1% of the net valid votes not counting blank and void
ballots) in the second round of the elections, the shift of centrist and
rightist votes to the socialist candidate was a considerable - perhaps decisive
- factor in the tight electoral race. One only need consider that a change of
just half this number would have meant a tie (See Chart I - How 500,000 Votes
Decided the French Presidential Elections).
This
shift is shocking. Twenty years ago, every self-respecting centrist and
rightist considered it treason to vote for a candidate of the SP, particularly
one who was part of an open coalition with the Communist Party (CP). 2
In 1981 this sense of consistency failed in many centrists and rightists of all
ages, 3 who, with a sometimes indolent or thoughtless tranquility,
voted for Mitterrand. How could this have happened?
But
the failures of the right and the center did not stop there . Their lukewarm
election campaigns lacked the dynamism and force de frappe indispensable for
generating popular support. These elements were not lacking in the
socialist-communist campaigns.
This
lack of dynamism, naturally more noticeable in the parliamentary elections,
had yet another consequence: increased abstentions. In an election so decisive
for the future of France and the world, no less than 10,783,694 voters
(29.6707o of the electorate) abstained in the first round of voting.
Significantly, the abstentions outnumbered the votes for the SP (9,432,537).
The
great loss in the final runoff was suffered by the center-right, whose total
vote fell from 14,316,724 in the first round of the presidential elections
(April 26) to 10 , 892,968 in the first round of the parliamentary elections
(June 14) - a loss of 3,423,756 votes in this extremely brief period. Since
between the two elections the number of abstentions increased by 3,900,917 and
the total leftist vote increased only slightly (see Chart 11 - Abstention and
Dispersion in the Center and the Right Favored the Left in the Recent
Parliamentary Elections in France) in all likelihood most of those abstaining
belonged to the center and the right. Many of them probably failed to vote
because of party infighting, or simply to spend election Sunday the way they
deemed most comfortable and entertaining.
An
illusion held by the non-voters that a victory by an undoubtedly leftist, but
easy-going, party would not have dramatic consequences accounted in large
measure for their critical non-participation in the electoral process. Another
consequence of this optimistic view was that petty personal and regional
considerations, as well as the excitement generated by Mitterrand's victory,
led many centrists and rightists to cast their ballots for the SP. This helped
to bring about a shift similar to that which had taken place in the
presidential elections.
Everything
leads one to believe that the greatest number of abstentions and largest
leakage of votes must have occurred in the less rigidly organized parties,
unless we were to imagine a SP or a CP softening its discipline or trying to
outdo its centrist and rightist adversaries in abstentionist apathy.
So
the SP won, but its victory by no means indicates any increase in the socialist
electorate, as skillful leftist propaganda around the world would have it.
A
comparison of the 1978 and 1981 parliamentary elections shows that the leftist
vote remained practically unchanged: 14,169,440 in 1978 and 14,026,385 in 1981.
(In both cases these are first round figures since, due to the peculiarities of
the French electoral system, that is the only round in which comparisons are
possible.) But since the number of eligible voters increased by 1,138,675 in
this period while the total leftist vote stayed about the same. it is clear
that the left's share of the vote actually diminished. Thus, the left, which in
Left, which in 1978 had the support of 40.25% of the total electorate, now drew
only 38.59% - far from a majority (see Chart III -Stagnation of the Leftist
Electorate in Parliamentary Elections from 1978 to 1981).
It
is clear that the recent victory of the SP was due less to a real strengthening
of the left than to lack of interest and some dispersion in the center and
right. As we will see later, this dispersion was partly due to the
disorientation and fragmentation of a considerable portion of the Catholic
electorate.
If
the socialist victory were due to an increase of specifically leftist voters,
it might be very difficult to reverse. But since it was caused by
disorientation in the center and the right, the situation is not irreversible;
the SP's victory of 1981 may be followed by its defeat in future elections.
May
these considerations be an encouragement to those who imagine that the advance
of socialism is definitive and who, instead of making use of their political
liberties to mount an orderly but fiery, unyielding and fruitful opposition,
run to shake hands and collaborate with the victors. Thus they give up the
fight to halt their country's slide down the ramp of socialism (which they
themselves call slippery) toward communism (which they recognize as fatal).
Their explanation: the socialist victory is definitive - as though anything
were really definitive in today's unstable world.
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