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Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira
Double Game of French Socialism

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    • III. The doctrinal core of the Socialist Program: secularism - "liberté, egalité, fraternité"
      • 1. The Rights of Man in the Self-Managing Society: to Become Informed, Dialogue and Vote
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III. The doctrinal core of the Socialist Program: secularism - "liberté, egalité, fraternité"

 

1. The Rights of Man in the Self-Managing Society: to Become Informed, Dialogue and Vote

 

We have already seen that the SP plans to educate the citizen from the cradle to the grave, molding his soul at work and leisure, in culture and art, and influenc­ing even the arrangement of his own home. How will this affect individual freedom?

At this point what was said in the beginning about the relationship between and liberty and equality in the trilogy of the French revolution is confirmed. Indeed, if liberty means having nothing and no one above oneself, and consequently doing anything one wishes - for this is the radical and anarchical sense of the term - the self-managing citizen is only apparently free. But at no moment of his life will he be really free.

The self-managing citizen will find the realm of his purely individual choices, in which he manifests the unique and unmistakable character of his personal­ity, ever more restricted. Both at work and at leisure he will be free to become informed, to dialogue and to vote. But decisions will normally be made by the community. His freedom will be limited to saying what he wishes in public debates and to voting as he likes. As a voter, he is free to choose names and cast his ballot in the decision-making assem­blies. As an individual, he is pushed by the Program to the very limits of non­being. 35 This is not done directly by the State, but rather by a social fabric or mechanism comprising business and non-­business self-managing groups.

The real power structure in the self-managing society starts out from the assemblies, moves up through the com­mittees and other agencies of society until it finally reaches the State - that is, until self-management heads for the final dissolution of the State and the distribu­tion of its powers to small, autonomous communities. 36 The worker could envision the power structure in the shape of a diamond. At one end is his own company, in which he is a speaking and voting molecule. At the opposite end is the State. But the State would be at the top of the diamond and the workers' assem­bly at the bottom. We are not suggesting here that self-­management, once established, would be a mere façade behind which the State would manipulate everything. That could happen. But we are not discussing the deformations that a self-managed society could suffer once established. We are only considering what the genuine social­ist mirage would be if applied in its entirety.

So, it would be consistent with the Program to suppose that:

a) Once the self-managing society is established, the powers of the State will "gradualistically" wither;

b) But in establishing it by law, the State is omnipotent. As long as the law serves as the foundation and rule of that society, it will live by virtue of the omnipotence of that act which organized and established it. And at least as long as the State exists, it may at any time abrogate or expand this act as it wishes;

c) In the societies of the West, the State does not exercise such ample powers. Countries in both East and West have generally adopted the principle of the sovereignty of universal suffrage. But in the West this sovereignty is self restrained by the recognition of greater or lesser individual liberties. In the East the principle of government by the peo­ple has no practical value, and it is clear that it will have none in the self-manag­ing society, where the liberty of the individual is restricted to speaking and voting in the assemblies.

The State decides everything in a self-­managing society. It annihilates the fam­ily and supplants it. It allots to the self-managing molecules the tatters of rights that will remain for them in society. It has unlimited power to legis­late on all self-managing undertakings, whether they be businesses, schools, or what have you. It teaches. It forms. It levels. It fills one's leisure time. In short, it installs itself in the mind of the individual. All that is left to him is his condition as a robot whose only signs of life are becoming informed, dialoging, and voting. This trilogy would be the concrete implementation of the other: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity."

In a word, the self-managing society has its own morality and its own philoso­phy, 37 which the robotized worker will inhale even in the air he breathes.

 




35.          "One of the foundations of the self-managing socialist society is the recognition of small social groups and consequently of collective interests very close to the individual and easy to grasp (family, shop, school class, association, neighborhood, etc.). Decisions must be made her as well; the existence of community interest must definitely be translated into a procedure. This is why the socialists ... affirm that in the last resort legitimacy can only be derived, tomorrow as today, from universal suffrage. Common good and democracy are not at war with each other. The common good simply cannot be defined except by democracy" (Program, p.131)

 



36.          Just like the French socialists, the communists have the self-­management of society as their final goal. In the preamble of the Russian constitution one reads: "The supreme objective of the Soviet State is the building of a communist classless society in which communist social self-management will develop" (Constitution - Ley Funda­mental de la Union de Republicas Socialistas Sovieticas, October 7, 1977, Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1980, p. 5).

There is, therefore, no doctrinal dis­crepancy between communists and socialists on this point. A discrepancy appears only in their conceptions of the disappearance of the State.

The Institute of Philosophy of Soviet Russia's Academy of Science define the role of the State in the period of transition to self-managing society as follows:

"The development of socialist democ­racy strengthens the power of the State an at the same time paves the way for its extinction along with a step to a social regime in which society may be run without the need for a political apparatus or state coercion ....

''Now then, to call for a more rapid disappearance of the State on the pretext of fighting bureaucratism and to pro­claim, at the same time, the need to renounce state power amounts, in the [present] conditions of socialism while the capitalist world still exists (and what is even more grave, during the period of transition to socialism), to disarming the workers in the face of their class enemy.

"The process of the extinction of the State cannot be accelerated by any kind of artificial measures. The State will not be abolished by anyone, rather it will gradu­ally fade away when political power ceases to be necessary. This will be possible when the socialist State fulfills its historical mission, but it requires, in

turn, the strengthening of political power. Hence there is no opposition between solicitude to strengthen the Socialist State and the perspectives of its extinction; they are two sides of the same coin.

"From the standpoint of dialectics, the problem of the extinction of the state is the problem of the transformation, form the socialist State, into the communist self-management of society. Some social functions analogous to those now fulfilled by the State will subsist under communism. But their character and their application will not be the same as they are in the current stage of development.

"The extinction of the State means: 1) the disappearance of the necessity of state coercion and of the organs applying it; 2) the transformation of the organiza­tional, economic and educational­-cultural functions now fulfilled by the State into social functions; 3) the integra­tion of all citizens into the running of public affairs and the disappearance of the need for public agencies.

"When all traces of the division of society into classes have been erased, when communism has definitively tri­umphed, and when the forces of the old world opposed to communism leave the scene, the necessity for the State will also disappear. Society will no longer need special contingents of armed men to guarantee social order and discipline. Then, as Engels has said, the State machinery can be put into the museum of antiquities with the spinning-whell and the bronze ax" (Institute of Philosophy, Academy of Science of the USSR, Fundamentos de la Filosofia Marxista, F.V. Konstantinov, Editorial Grijalbo, Mexico, 2nd, ed., 1965, pp. 538-539.)

 



37.          "One does not adhere to socialism without a certain view of man, of what he wants, of what he is able to do, of what he must do, of his rights and of his necessities" (Program, p. 10).

 

 






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