The
Communiqué - France: The Fist Crushes the Rose
The
fist and the rose ...
A
fist, rather like a boxer's, holds the stern of a rose, ready to crush it. The
rose opens on the tip of the stem, as light and gracious as if it were in a
porcelain vase.
It
is not easy to make the meaning of these heterogeneous "heraldic"
symbols explicit, especially when they are juxtaposed in this way. Do they
symbolize the Marxist working class leading a country flourishing in liberty?
Perhaps. In any case, had they been conceived to mean just that, they could
hardly be more appropriate: They well express the hopes of freedom that
"socialism with a human face" does its best to awaken.
But
there is also something obscure and contradictory in these symbols. The
aggressive and brutal fist seems as incompatible with the rose as a punch. One
would say that such a fist could not fail to start crushing the rose. And if
the rose could understand a fist like this, it would be shocked, stop smiling,
and begin to wither.
The
relations between socialism and an authentic and harmonious freedom are no
different; no matter how emphatically it promises freedom, socialism, wherever
established, begins to strangle it.
This,
one can fear, may now be happening in glorious and beloved France, well before
the end of the first year of self-managing government. This is the opportune
moment to make this clear, for the Mitterrand Government, with the support of
the socialist Communist coalition, is actively making propaganda for
self-management all over the West.
A
concrete example seems to adequately illustrate the apprehension that the fist
may be crushing the rose. It concerns precisely one of those freedoms that the
naive most expect the Mitterrand Government to preserve: the freedom of the press.
***
It
is well known that since December 9 of last year the thirteen Societies for the
Defense of Tradition, Family and Property (TFPs) have been publishing, in large
newspapers of fifteen countries, a Message warning of the incompatibility
between the perennial principles of Christian Civilization on one hand,
and, on the other, the self-managing reform to which the Socialist Party
promised to commit France in the 1981 elections. A gradual reform, yes, but
also total, demolishing the right to own land, businesses and private schools,
invading the family to organize children against their parents, and, in its end
term, sparing not even leisure, the interior arrangement of homes, and the very
person of every Frenchman. The Message was published in Argentina, Bolivia,
Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, England, Germany, Italy, Portugal,
the United States, Spain, Uruguay and Venezuela.
The
TFPs found no obstacles to the publication of their Message as a paid
advertisement in any of these countries. The newspapers opened up to them all
the way. At no time did they feel that, by publishing the Message, they were
committing themselves to views partially or totally not theirs. In so doing,
these newspapers were strictly consistent with the democratic principles they
proclaim as their own.
It
would have been natural for the TFPs' Message to be published just as easily in
the large French dailies, which pride themselves on professing the same
democratic principles. But this time the TFPs had bitter experience to the
contrary. They feel obliged to inform not only the English-speaking public
about this, but also that of each country where the Message has been published.
***
Leaving
aside avowedly socialist or communist newspapers, the serene and elevated
Message of the TFPs was successively submitted for publication to 6 French
dailies with circulation over 100,000. However, all these papers refused to
publish it. This attitude is inexplicable for several reasons, since:
a)
Newspapers which pride themselves on their democratic line, and which moreover
are at variance with each other on important points, in this particular case
are disconcertingly unanimous in their refusal to publish the document. Thus
the thirteen TFPs are deprived of having their viewpoint, which opposes
self-managing socialism, published on French soil.
b)
Furthermore, two of these newspapers had formally agreed to publish the TFPs'
Message on December 15 of last year. (At the last minute the French TFP decided
to postpone the publication because the attention of the public was then
strongly attracted by the events in Poland.) This contract was so firm that, by
mutual agreement, the agency negotiating the advertisement received payment in
full on December 11. All this notwithstanding, on January 6 this agency advised
the TFPs that the two dailies had just refused to abide by their agreement. The
reason: none.
c)
Naturally, an arbitrary breach of contract exposes the company which owns both
newspapers to a suit for loss and damages. But not even the perspective of such
a predicament was enough to prevent their refusal.
d)
Advertisements are one of the most common sources of income both for this
publishing company and the other companies which refused to publish the
document. The size of this Message would make its publication particularly
inviting. So, the refusal is contrary to the very nature of these journalistic
enterprises as such.
***
At
this point one has to ask: What is the reason for this united front of refusals
curtailing the freedom of the TFPs in France? Far away on the horizon, only one
explanatory hypothesis takes shape. As private organizations, the publishing
companies which own these various papers can be placed at any moment on the
list of self-managing enterprises by a legislative decision of the
socialist-communist parliamentary majority. If that were to happen, their
present owners would normally become mere managers or even lose any role in
the company whatsoever.
Is
it so surprising that these publishers deny the TFPs freedom of expression when
their own freedom, at least potentially, has been so profoundly shaken? What is
the real freedom of expression in a regime where a Damocles' sword hangs over
the head of every publishing company, owner, a sword hanging from a string held
by the government?
Whatever
heat the opposition newspapers may de facto be permitted to show, their
situation is, de jure, that of Damocles under the sword.
Incidentally,
it is altogether possible that a heated opposition may not be as annoying to a
government as another which courteously and serenely focuses on certain
delicate topics which not all currents of opinion have noticed.
Now,
the Message of the thirteen TFPs puts a finger on certain painful wounds
unknown to the Catholic electoral bloc, which weighed decisively on the
socialist side in the 1981 elections. Such is the case, for instance, when it
focuses on how a compulsory self-managing regime is absolutely incompatible
with the true Doctrine of the Church about the character of the right of
property, which inheres by nature in every individual. The same applies when it
points out how the doctrine and program of the Socialist Party place marriage,
free unions and even homosexual unions on the same level.
It
is not the intention of the TFPs to start a debate with newspapers so
conditioned by the socialist self-managing Moloch. With this publication, the
TFPs aims solely at making the public in the largest countries of the Free
World see how confined freedom already appears to be at the beginning of the
self-managing socialist regime. This should lead every citizen of the Free
World to fear for his own personal freedom if self-managing socialism is
implanted in his country.
Thus,
one is led to believe that a curtain is being drawn around today's France. Not
an iron curtain, nor one of bamboo. It is, as it were, an impalpable curtain of
silence of the press, which will inevitably march toward becoming total.
This
fact is what the TFPs are bringing to the knowledge of the whole West. The same
French newspapers will be asked to publish this Communiqué. But even if there
is a new collective refusal, the TFPs hope that the spreading of this
Communiqué outside France may succeed in making it known to a large part of the
French people. They also hope that it will open the eyes of the West to all
that is contradictory and impracticable in the self-managing promise of
socialism-with-freedom.
This
finding has a far-reaching scope: Except for the promise of freedom, all that is
left to the self-managing regime is its similarity to Communism.
The
Message of the thirteen TFPs about self-managing socialism is making its way
far and wide in the world. Along its course, it has met everything: furious
hatred, baseless criticisms, inexplicable omissions, longstanding and luminous
support from friends who have never let themselves be dishonored by fear, and
innumerable new adhesions, some of them unexpected and magnificent.
This
Communiqué is one more great step along this road. Consistent with the Message,
it has to do not only with self-managing socialism, but also with Communism.
All of this - and that which is yet to happen - will one day be written into
history; the epic History of one of the supreme efforts undertaken In signo
Crucis (in the sign of the Cross) to steer our agonizing Western civilization
away from the final shipwreck toward which it is letting itself drift.
After
the great campaigns of the TFPs against Communism - campaigns which have
always been doctrinal and orderly - the communists keep silent. A little
later, furious media attacks based merely on distortions or calumnies with no
doctrinal content have been unleashed against the TFPs. Will this now happen
once again? As the French popular saying has it, "he who lives will
see."
Sâo Paulo, February 11, 1982
Feast of Our Lady of Lourdes
For
the Brazilian TFP and, by express delegation, the TFPs and similar
organizations of the United States, Argentina, Bolivia, Canada, Chile,
Colombia, Ecuador, France, Portugal, Spain, Uruguay and Venezuela,
Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira
President of the National Council of the Brazilian
Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property
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