0pera-cardi | carpo-eukar | eul-lente | leont-proph | propo-threw | thril-zealo
Document
1002 21| hands, was probably the ~ eul <s228 giai or panis benedictus, ~
1003 3 | agnnhtos ." Similarly Basil ~c. Eunom. i., iv., and especially
1004 4 | different if a man was born an eunuch ~or had suffered mutilation
1005 5 | several Gospels(as the "Eusebian ~canons") and to a prescribed
1006 32| married priests against the Eustathians. Eustathius, ~however, was
1007 12| Scythopolis, in his Life of St. Euthymius (c. 96), that Juvenal died "
1008 12| during the Nestorian and Eutychian troubles towards the ~middle
1009 3 | Maximus in ~Euseb. Praep. Ev. vii. 22; Hippol. Haer.
1010 25| prophetas, nemo ~contra evangelia facit sine periculo"(Mansi,
1011 35| When the Heptarchy was evangelized by the Roman missionaries,
1012 18| Dionysius; Philo ~and Evarestus more laxly, "primordia bona;"
1013 13| especially of the clergy, and eventually, ~in A.D. 251, he induced
1014 | everyone
1015 11| date of this addition is ~evinced by the fact that the canon
1016 9 | canon: the Prisca has not ew ~ koinp , but only episkopw :
1017 25| definitur ~lucrum ex mutuo exactum aut speratum;"(1) and then
1018 25| represented and without any exaggeration the universal opinion of
1019 12| Jerusalem ~holding a very exalted position among the sees
1020 21| dogmatic precision. Special examinations and inquiries into character ~
1021 18| cases it is necessary to examine well into their purpose
1022 13| they were ~supplanted by exarkoi . [Chorepiscopi are] first ~
1023 30| number of the Nicene Canons exceeded twenty. His argument ~for
1024 22| rendered it necessary to make exceptions, as happened in the case
1025 26| order.~ ~VAN ESPEN.~Four excesses of deacons this canon condemns,
1026 35| not observed. The troubles excited by the Arian heresy, and
1027 8 | confined the nomination exclusively to ~the bishops of the province.~ ~
1028 31| because he has the power of excommunicating others.~ ~CANON XXIX.~Of
1029 35| Sardica from being put into execution; therefore the Emperor ~
1030 25| quis usuras undecunque ~exegerit . . . tres annos in pane
1031 31| archdeacon, and of the office of exequies.~ ~CANON LXVI.~Of taking
1032 11| urbis. The proefectus urbi exercised ~authority over the city
1033 26| De SS. Ordinat. P. ~III. Exercit. viij. . . . The present
1034 28| admirably.(De Ordinationibus, Exercitatio X.)~ ~The deaconesses existed
1035 27| n ~ tpn en tp ~ skhmati exetasqeispn , ~ epei . Hefele's translation ~
1036 3 | early Christian writers exhibit much confusion between ~
1037 5 | vii. 32); to a scheme for exhibiting ~the common and peculiar
1038 31| should be ~mended by private exhortation and admonition; if he will
1039 13| the Novatians he might be exhorted to repentance, but ~the
1040 17| law punished with death, exile, or other grave corporal
1041 13| 341; and continued to ~exist in the East until at least
1042 17| THE PUBLIC DISCIPLINE OR EXOMOLOGESIS ~OF THE EARLY CHURCH.~ ~(
1043 13| diabolical possession at his ~exorcising by the Church before his
1044 13| episcopi," ordaining readers, exorcists, subdeacons, but, as a rule,
1045 10| JUSTELLUS.~This authority ( exousia ) is that of a Metropolitan ~
1046 3 | double v ~where we should expect the single, we must ascribe
1047 25| less violently(as was to be expected); today the whole ~Christian
1048 18| Ipsi sciunt quod ipsis ~expediat" (Ruinart, Act. Sanc. p.
1049 6 | previously, let him then ~be expelled from the clergy.~ ~HEFELE.~
1050 31| are not sufficient for its expenses, he ought to collect all
1051 13| it is because they are explaining the ~meaning and setting
1052 11| twelfth century) say very explicitly, in their ~explanation of
1053 25| church we ~find Athanasius(Expos. in Ps. xiv); Basil the
1054 17| already referred to, stood exposed to the weather. Of these,
1055 21| were celebrated, and their expulsion ~gave rise to the distinction
1056 32| CELIBACY.~ ~[The Acts are not extant.]~ ~NOTES.~ ~Often the mind
1057 17| after Augustine's time, ~extended the necessity of public
1058 17| and was a narrow vestibule extending the whole width of the ~
1059 31| and the same permission extends as well to men as to ~women,
1060 17| divisions within, besides ~these exterior courts and porch. The first
1061 28| opinion that the order was extinct in the West ~by the tenth
1062 32| does not agree with the extracts quoted from Socrates, ~Sozomen,
1063 21| to enter the church, the exwqoumenoi , ~but the affirmation of
1064 24| fear of God before their eyes, nor ~regarding the ecclesiastical
1065 25| Tobia liber unus). Jerome(in Ezech. vi. 18); Augustine de ~
1066 30| the Groeca ~auctoritas.~ ~f. Among the later Eastern
1067 5 | Rome, ~in his letter to Fabius, speaks of the "canon" as
1068 30| Bibliotheca Coisliniana. ~Fabricius makes a similar catalogue
1069 25| nemo ~contra evangelia facit sine periculo"(Mansi, iii.
1070 6 | threatened with deposition ipso ~facto, and for this fault alone."
1071 17| the Narthex in Greek, and Faerula in ~Latin, and was a narrow
1072 32| attempt is said to have failed. The particulars are as ~
1073 32| fifth century. But it is fair to remark, even as to ~Synesius,
1074 12| Concil. iii. 642). These falsehoods he did not scruple to ~support
1075 12| the Nicene decrees, and to falsify both history and tradition ~
1076 32| less can he be accused ~of falsifying history in their favour.
1077 31| they escort them; nor be ~familiar with them, nor gaze upon
1078 18| he took a rigorist ~and fanatical view, De Cor. 11), and compare
1079 3 | heretics, ~ ei ~ agnnhtos , ~ fasin , o pathr , ~ genntos de
1080 3 | Lightfoot. The ~Apostolic Fathers--Part II. Vol. ii. Sec. I.
1081 33| age has undergone so great fatigue that peace might be ~established
1082 15| requires those who were faultless. ~It is to be observed that
1083 14| It is clear that these faults are ~punishable in the bishop
1084 18| bishop may determine yet more favourably concerning ~them. But those
1085 34| their hands with the most fearful of crimes, and ~whose minds
1086 20| however little one may feel ~constrained to accept the
1087 18| throwing down ~his belt at the feet of Justina, Soz. vii. 13).
1088 33| having been both a guide and fellow-worker in ~what has been done.~ ~
1089 31| also conversation and fellowship with Jews.~ ~CANON LIII.~
1090 25| ut non liceat clericis fenerari," ~are enforced with~greater
1091 35| epact, and began from the feria prima of ~January.(b.) The
1092 5 | as Athanasius ~calls them(Fest. Ep. 39), are books expressly
1093 34| Saviour has left us only one festal day of ~our redemption,
1094 5 | like ~Tertullian's "regula fidei," amounted to saying, "We
1095 21| of the ~Faithful"(Missa Fidelium). Nor were they suffered
1096 6 | who presumes to disobey fie great Synod.~ ~NOTES.~ ~
1097 12| destroyed and ploughed as a field according ~to the prophet.
1098 13| may be gathered from the fifty-seventh canon of ~Laodicea.~ ~From
1099 10| consequently it is not the ordinary fights of metropolitans that the ~
1100 30| consecutively, ~with the same figures, and under the common title
1101 23| Constantinople that was to be filled."~ ~The same learned writer
1102 12| Action, ~ meta pollhn ~ filoneikian . Juvenal surrendered his
1103 18| heathenism; so that the final issue of the war would ~
1104 30| The African ~bishops, not finding the canon quoted by the
1105 31| before their penance is finished, and ~concerning such as
1106 20| from daring to touch it by fire rising from it."~ ~It is
1107 31| and incites ~them to the fires of desire. But if she be
1108 18| officers had at ~first stood firm under the trial imposed
1109 12| per commentitia ~scripta firmare," Leo. Mag. Ep. 119 [92]),
1110 1 | life, his only Son, the first-~born of all creatures, begotten
1111 12| would seem to be a singular fitness in the Holy City Jerusalem ~
1112 33| who has in fact received a fitting ~recompense for his own
1113 17| styled ~ sugklaiontes , flentes or weepers. These were not ~
1114 13| him, thus ~becoming, as Fleury remarks,(1) "the first Anti-Pope."
1115 3 | particular, Ptol. Ep. ad. Flor. 4 (in ~Stieren's Ireninians,
1116 30| the libraries of Turin, Florence, Venice, ~Oxford, Moscow,
1117 34| faith, peace, ~and unity to flourish amongst us. May God graciously
1118 27| the Paulianists who have flown for refuge to the ~Catholic
1119 30| weaken the conclusion that flows from the ~consideration
1120 31| CANON LVIII.~Of the honour flue the archdeacon and the chorepiscopus
1121 25| clericorum ~liceat de qualibet re foenus accipere"(Mansi, iv. 423).
1122 20| Burchard(Decr. Lib. V. cap. ix. fol. 95. colon. 1560.) ~in 996,
1123 9 | eucharistic offering." In a foot-note (on the same page) he ~explains
1124 2 | Defence of the ~Nicene Creed; Forbes, An Explanation of the Nicene
1125 31| the case ~of one cast out forcibly without any blame attaching
1126 28| to marry are subjected to forfeiture of property ~and capital
1127 13| M. respecting them being forgeries), ~and continued there (
1128 13| 864, must be considered a forgery since he recognises ~the
1129 13| no power to assure him of forgiveness but must leave ~him to the
1130 18| lapsus, even if he did not formally fall away. With ~much more
1131 3 | othodox Christology was formulated in the Nicene ~Creed in
1132 20| before the awful necessity of fortifying ~the soul in the last hour
1133 12| that Juvenal died "in ~the forty-fourth year of his episcopate,"
1134 12| the Bishop of Antioch put ~forward at Ephesus was discreetly
1135 12| allowed no opportunity of forwarding his ends to be lost, declared
1136 3 | doctrine for which they fought, they had no liking for
1137 9 | had, in the mind of ~its founder, the character of a sacrificial
1138 13| interpretation Hefele seems to agree, founding ~his opinion upon the fact
1139 18| anecdote of Philostorgius (Fragm. 5), his master bade ~him
1140 6 | crime; but the canon is framed, and ought to be ~understood,
1141 25| conditions(Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. iii. 34). So again a ~letter(
1142 31| she is innocent, let her freely be put away and let a bill
1143 31| return to his pristine friendship, his fault shall be condoned
1144 25| modern casuist, well says, "fructum producit et multiplicatur
1145 18| expresses it, a repentance "fructuosam et ~attentam." If the penitents
1146 18| their ~conversion, must fulfil the whole time.~NOTES.~ ~
1147 18| good works, when they have fulfilled their ~appointed time as
1148 2 | acquired, and arise from our fulfilling the divine ~commands. Moreover,
1149 21| whole of that period, was fuller and more public in its ~
1150 9 | describing as the chief ~function of the former (44.4) prosferein .
1151 31| order to be observed at the funeral of a bishop, of a ~chorepiscopus
1152 13| the Council of Ancyra does furnish a difficulty, for the text
1153 30| exactly the same as the twenty furnished by the other historians.~ ~
1154 13| rank.~ ~The Council of Nice furnishes another example of a bishop
1155 26| presbyter administer to them. Furthermore, let not the deacons sit ~
1156 21| Church as baptizomenoi or ~ fwtizowenoi , the present participle
1157 5 | principle of Christian life(Gal. vi. 16). It represents ~
1158 17| below, and the women in galleries above. Amongst these were ~
1159 13| chorepiscopus. This may be gathered from the fifty-seventh canon
1160 31| familiar with them, nor gaze upon them persistently.
1161 3 | for instance the eternal gen?hsis of the ~Son was not
1162 25| Chrysostom(Hom. xli. in ~Genes), and Theodoret(Interpr.
1163 13| ordained, but uses the word ~ genesqai by the bishop of the city (
1164 3 | this reading also the Latin genitus et ~ingenitus points. On
1165 3 | distinction ~between ktixein and gennan , ~justifying the use of
1166 3 | autou ~ uios gnhsios , ~ gennhma alhqinon ~ k . t . l . [
1167 1 | of very God, begotten ~( gennhq , ent <s201)>, not made, ~
1168 3 | T o on ~ men , mhte de ~ gennhqen mhte ~ olws ekon ton ~ aition
1169 3 | Nicene ~Creed in the words gennhqenta ou ~ poihqenta , it became
1170 3 | EXCURSUS ON THE WORDS gennhqeta ~ ou poihqenta ] (J. B.
1171 3 | formula ~ ouk hn prin ~ gennhqhnai or some Semiarian formula
1172 3 | statement in the Nicene Creed ~ gennhton ek ths ~ ousias tou patros ~
1173 3 | monogonous pathr ~ kai gennhtwr , the natural inference ~
1174 3 | fasin , o pathr , ~ genntos de o ~ uis , ou ~ ths auths ~
1175 17| part, to which Jews and Gentiles, and in most places ~even
1176 33| being disposed to deal gently with Meletius(for in strict ~
1177 11| ecclesiarum sollicitudinem gerat. In the seventeenth century
1178 21| course with a future or gerundial sense. Their names were
1179 19| communicated. But if any such get well, he must ~be placed
1180 21| probably the ~ eul <s228 giai or panis benedictus, ~and
1181 13| merely nomination by the word ginesqai , but the ~actual history
1182 18| cast aside their military girdles, but afterwards returned,
1183 31| or ugly, whether a young girl or ~beyond the age of puberty,
1184 11| has little to do with the gist of the meaning of the ~canon.
1185 33| Bishop Alexander, who has gladdened us by his presence, and
1186 3 | eis ~ o ex autou ~ uios gnhsios , ~ gennhma alhqinon ~ k .
1187 3 | nature was gnnhtos but not ~ gnhtos . And this ~distinction
1188 3 | in his divine ~nature was gnnhtos but not ~ gnhtos . And this ~
1189 31| fixed is twenty years, only godfather and ~godmother are mentioned,
1190 3 | was ~ gennhtos even in his Godhead. See esp. Joann. ~Damasc.
1191 31| years, only godfather and ~godmother are mentioned, and nothing
1192 17| penitents, called in Greek gonuklinontes , or ~ upopiptontes ,and
1193 26| which the Father of his goodness raised up."(1)~ ~In one
1194 31| are four ~writers of the Gospel, and four rivers, etc. And
1195 11| jurist, Jacob Gothfried (Gothofredus), and his friend, ~Salmasius,
1196 11| principatum), so that he should ~govern with care the suburban places,
1197 23| already ~approved in the government of another diocese."(1)~ ~
1198 34| flourish amongst us. May God graciously protect you, my ~beloved
1199 17| third period shews ~its gradual decline to its practical
1200 35| for the Quartodecimans had gradually disappeared.(1)~ ~ ~ ~
1201 17| Nectarius in the person of the Grand ~Penitentiary.~ ~However,
1202 31| or mother, or aunt, or grandmother, it is ~permitted to live
1203 13| the twice married, and to grant ~pardon to the lapsed. And
1204 18| of this power, namely, of granting under certain ~circumstances
1205 12| as De Marca's contention grants too much. It is certain
1206 18| bade ~him place a bunch of grapes before a statue of Bacchus
1207 18| when, according ~to the graphic anecdote of Philostorgius (
1208 4 | Juris Canonici, Decretum Gratiani. Pars. I. Distinctio ~LV.,
1209 18| resigned. (Observe the ~Grecised Latinism benefikiois and
1210 12| the strongest terms on the greediness and ambition of Juvenal,
1211 25| under certain conditions(Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. iii.
1212 5 | to a church, a use ~which grew out of one found in Athanasius'
1213 17| wives desired to share their griefs and their sufferings, although ~
1214 25| pursuit of gain(Migne, Patrol. Groec. xxxii. 275). Gregory of ~
1215 12| strong Christian Church growing up in the rapidly increasing ~
1216 9 | St. Gregory Nazianzen had grown common, for ~it will be
1217 12| Christian can for a moment ~grudge to the Holy City of the
1218 34| to all; and I have been guarantee for your consent, ~that
1219 33| detail, he having been both a guide and fellow-worker in ~what
1220 12| was secondary, ~and which guided all his conduct, was the
1221 15| did so conscious of their guilt or unknowing of it.~ ~HEFELE.~
1222 25| to be an entire error, as Gury, the famous ~modern casuist,
1223 27| such as have assumed the habit, but who, since they have
1224 25| Psalmist and St. ~Augustine(Haddan and Stubbs, Conc. iii. 457).
1225 25| c. 37), ~Epiphanius(adv. Haeres. Epilog. c. 24), Chrysostom(
1226 17| upon the earth, to ~wearing haircloth, and to all the other ordinary
1227 17| penance. The emperor wore the hairshirt ~under the purple, and lay
1228 3 | of the orthodox party to handle terms ~which their adversaries
1229 13| on this condition he who happens to be in ~orders, shall
1230 13| chorepiscopi as real bishops.~ ~If Harmenopulus, Aristenus, Balsamon, and
1231 18| grace and free will are harmonized. ~These men had responded
1232 3 | this use of terms entirely harmonizes ~with his own. In the passage
1233 31| anger, indignation, and hatred should be avoided by the
1234 13| bulls, condemning them; headed, it is true, by two ~forged
1235 21| three years he shall be a ~hearer only, and then let him pray
1236 17| communion. The practice of "hearing mass" or "non-communicating ~
1237 16| were communicants, if they heartily repent, shall pass three ~
1238 18| Marcus Aurelius. It was the heathenish adjuncts to their ~calling
1239 32| a loud voice, "that too ~heavy a yoke ought not to be laid
1240 17| of the weather.~ ~It may help to the better understanding
1241 25| Philip ~IV., Charles IX., Henry III., etc."~ ~There can
1242 35| Sulpicius Severus. ~When the Heptarchy was evangelized by the Roman
1243 2 | It was accepted by the heretic Paul of Samosata and this ~
1244 33| division among a people heretofore at peace, there remained
1245 3 | should after Porson ~and Hermann read agenhton with Suidas.
1246 | herself
1247 18| not seriously enough, as Hervetas renders-~-just as if, in
1248 11| suburban places, AND ALL HIA OWN ~PROVINCE."(1) Another
1249 11| ut vel ille Egypti vel hic suburbicariarum ~ecclesiarum
1250 4 | perpetrated was aware of it and hid the fact, his ~goods shall
1251 26| was recognized a fixed ~hierarchy in the Church, made up of
1252 21| Cyril Hieros. Catech. i. 5; Hieron. Ep. 61, ad Pammach. c.
1253 21| public in its ~nature (Cyril Hieros. Catech. i. 5; Hieron. Ep.
1254 32| Thebais in Egypt, a man of a high ~reputation, who had lost
1255 30| Adrian I). The celebrated Hincmar, ~Archbishop of Rheims,
1256 3 | in ~Stieren's Ireninians, Hipaeus, p. 935); Basilides, Hippol.
1257 5 | Euseb. v. 24) and probably ~Hippolytus(ib. v. 28) calls it "the
1258 13| interpolated version of Conc. Hispal. II. A.D. 619, ~can. 7,
1259 33| LETTER.~(Found in Gelasius, Historia Concilii Nicaeni, lib. II,
1260 4 | condemn are noticed ~by the historian. The case was different
1261 30| article is nothing ~but an historical notice appended to the Nicene
1262 1 | in the ~Ecclesiastical Histories of Theodoret and Socrates,
1263 9 | trofh auth kaleitai ~ par hmin ~ eukaristia . Didache,
1264 28| offices in the care of women"(Hoer. lxxix, ~cap. iij). From
1265 31| his power, ~just as he who holds the seat of Rome, is the
1266 34| unworthy for this, the ~holiest of all festivals, to follow
1267 12| century the idea of the holiness of the site began to ~lend
1268 3 | obvious than in the Clementine Homilies, x. 10 (where the distinction ~
1269 21| was given ~with milk and honey after baptism.~ ~ ~
1270 13| to do. They had ~also the honorary privilege ( timwmenoi )
1271 32| that it was the Spaniard Hosius who proposed the law ~respecting
1272 25| of ~St. Thomas and of a host of others: for by the name
1273 9 | Christi and the dominica hostia as the ~object of the eucharistic
1274 13| aroused a strong feeling of hostility, which showed itself, first
1275 20| fortifying ~the soul in the last hour of its earthly sojourn.~ ~
1276 32| live in the clergyman's house-~-his mother, sister, etc.--
1277 3 | instance the eternal gen?hsis of the ~Son was not a distinct
1278 3 | while gennhtos , ~ agen htos described certain ~ontological
1279 26| prisoner, none for the hungry or thirsty. They abstain
1280 17| sometimes styled keimozomenoi , ~hybernantes, on account of their being
1281 13| 1, Paris. A.D. 829, lib. i.c. 27; Meld. A.D. 845, can. ~
1282 12| the ~assembled bishops (ibid. 618). Maximus, however,
1283 35| from it. In cases when the id fell on a ~Saturday, Victor
1284 18| here how beautifully the ideas of grace and free will are
1285 13| also taken advantage ~of by idle or worldly diocesans. In
1286 18| lapsi who partook of the idol-feast ~ adiakorws as if it involved
1287 25| of tombs, and ~sacrilege ierosulia , is allowed to pass unpunished, ~
1288 15| been ordained through the ignorance, or ~even with the previous
1289 25| nearly all e.g. Elvira, ij, Arles j, Carthage iij,
1290 11| consuetudo servetur, ut vel ille Egypti vel hic suburbicariarum ~
1291 12| apostolic See ("ut nulla illicitis conatibus praeberetur assensio,"
1292 18| reconsidered their position, and illustrated the maxim that in morals
1293 2 | Father, but that, as his image, he is the same ~as the
1294 34| same year. We could not imitate those who are openly ~in
1295 28| was always administered by immersion(except to those in extreme ~
1296 34| we receive the hope of ~immortality, celebrated by all with
1297 2 | Son to the Father, and his immutability, are different from ours:
1298 1 | Athanasius Ad Jovianum Imp., in the ~Ecclesiastical
1299 10| seventeenth century to be impeached.~ ~HEFELE.~The sense of
1300 14| so it takes away all the impedimenta ~ordinationis which are
1301 32| for these lists are very ~imperfect, and it is well known that
1302 6 | transgress these[enactments] will imperil his own clerical position,
1303 25| of Scipio Maffei, Dell' impiego dell ~danaro, written on
1304 26| In ~these words it is implied that some deacons had presumed
1305 8 | ordinatio" and "manus impositionem."~ ~HEFELE.~The Council
1306 28| sickness would have been an impossibility. ~The duties of the deaconess
1307 25| Theodebert, for the relief of his impoverished diocese, promising ~repayment, "
1308 35| eighty-four years, a little improved by Sulpicius Severus. ~When
1309 34| blindness ~and repugnance to all improvements, they frequently celebrate
1310 18| had responded to a Divine impulse: it might seem that they ~
1311 18| unlike his, proved to be too impulsive--they ~reconsidered their
1312 31| prince of all ~patriarchs; in-asmuch as he is first, as was Peter,
1313 35| the other considered it inaccurate. It ~is a fact, proved by
1314 3 | would have regarded it as inadequate without the ~ omoousion
1315 34| in one ~year is totally inadmissible. But even if this were not
1316 1 | down [from heaven] and was incarnate and was made ~man. He suffered
1317 31| avoided such.~ ~CANON XXI.~Of incestuous marriages contrary to the
1318 20| clothes."(2) From ~this incident it is evident that in that
1319 20| churches. A most interesting incidental proof of this is found in
1320 31| presbyters, and deacons, and incites ~them to the fires of desire.
1321 17| being obliged to endure the ~inclemency of the weather.~ ~It may
1322 32| point. St. Epiphanius also inclined towards this side. ~The
1323 32| contemplated law should not include the subdeacons. But this ~
1324 23| where his services will be incomparably more useful to ~the public.
1325 31| discord--[in American, "incompatibility of temper"].CANON LII.~Usury
1326 31| it is very ~awkward and inconsequent as given. Moreover, it should
1327 12| 458 A.D., is certainly ~incorrect, as it would make his episcopate
1328 3 | to the ~indistinctness or incorrectness of the writer's theological
1329 17| St. Gregory Nyssen, this increase of offences requiring ~public
1330 12| growing up in the rapidly increasing ~city, called no longer
1331 25| action, for all which I am indebted to a ~masterly article by
1332 30| arrived at the conclusion independently of the ~Arabic discovery,
1333 3 | between the two ~terms, as indicated by their origin, is that
1334 35| postponed for a week. He indicates both dates in his table,
1335 17| Table (which ~names were indifferently used in the primitive Church),
1336 19| deprived of the last and most indispensable Viaticum. But, if ~any one
1337 3 | ascribe the fact to the ~indistinctness or incorrectness of the
1338 18| 15). Sometimes, indeed, individual Christians ~thought like
1339 6 | through the urgency of ~individuals, many things have been done
1340 33| speculations in which he ~indulged, blaspheming the Son of
1341 18| 74. It ~was the basis of "indulgences "in their original form (
1342 18| bishop to come to a yet more indulgent ~resolution concerning them,"
1343 3 | 240 sq., Oxf. 1823) tries ineffectually to show that the form ~with
1344 19| Eucharist was given even to ~infants, and at the close of life
1345 3 | kai gennhtwr , the natural inference ~is that he too, had the
1346 12| superior to Caesarea, and only inferior to Rome, Alexandria, and ~
1347 31| CANON LIII.~Marriages with infidels to be avoided.~ ~CANON LIV.~
1348 25| thing is the case with an infinite number of councils, in fact
1349 33| beloved ~brethren, proceed to inform you of the decrees of the
1350 30| containing a vast amount of ~information upon the whole subject,
1351 12| then archdeacon ~of Rome, informing him of what Juvenal was
1352 10| this principle had ~been infringed; while the second half declares
1353 3 | the ~several places, but "ingenerate" is given as the rendering
1354 3 | also the Latin genitus et ~ingenitus points. On the other hand
1355 4 | similar cases to renew the old injunctions; it was perhaps the Arian ~
1356 32| the Church ought not to be injured by an extreme severity,
1357 25| been transfigured ~into innocence, if not virtue, belongs
1358 21| Special examinations and inquiries into character ~were made
1359 9 | by others. Nevertheless, inquiry should be ~made whether
1360 21| sense. Their names were inscribed as ~such in the album or
1361 21| who multiply the classes insert here some who ~knelt and
1362 16| of the hearers was just inside the church door. But ~Zonaras (
1363 30| with the exception of some insignificant variations, ~was exactly
1364 20| church more strenuously ~insisted than the oral reception
1365 3 | of the vv. Elsewhere he insists repeatedly on the distinction ~
1366 12| with forged documents ("insolenter ausus per commentitia ~scripta
1367 13| Epist. 181; Rab. Maur. ~De Instit. Cler. i. 5, etc. etc.).
1368 28| Constantinople but only in conventual institutions.(Thomassin, ~Ancienne et
1369 31| monasteries; and of the system of instructing them; ~and of the election
1370 3 | 9, 12. The following are instructive passages ~as regards the
1371 34| power has made use of our instrumentality for ~destroying the evil
1372 32| ex ~silentio is evidently insufficient to prove that the anecdote
1373 13| seems to rule the term to intend consecration, and the ~[
1374 18| needless to say, without intending to censure ~enlistment as
1375 25| the rigour of the Nicaean ~interdict. That of the council of
1376 28| their mission was not to interfere in any way with Sacerdotal
1377 8 | experience to distrust the interference of princes and earthly ~
1378 13| the ~latter is merely an interpolated version of Conc. Hispal.
1379 18| considered the "not" an interpolation. I do not see how ~dropping
1380 3 | this ~form. (3) When the interpolator substitutes o ~ monos alhqinos ~
1381 25| in ~Genes), and Theodoret(Interpr. in Ps. xiv. 5, and liv.
1382 8 | certainly in error when they interpret ~ keirotonia of election.
1383 25| to suggest that, in the interval, the lower clergy had ~occasionally
1384 21| character ~were made at intervals during the forty days. It
1385 17| public penance will be found intimated.~ ~From the fourth century
1386 3 | since agenhton would ~be intolerable in some places. I may add
1387 5 | Eastern ~Church service(Neale, Introd. East. Ch. if. 832), for
1388 10| of that see which he had invaded. The latter part of it,
1389 20| that even the stern and invariable canons of the ~public penance
1390 3 | form ~with the double v was invented by the fathers at a later
1391 25| other side.~ ~The glory of inventing the new moral code on the
1392 33| what has been mooted and investigated, and also ~what has been
1393 35| of his ~work.~ ~Upon an invitation from Rome, S. Ambrose also
1394 23| secular power had often ~to be invoked.~ ~This course, of having
1395 18| idol-feast ~ adiakorws as if it involved them in no sin (see below ~
1396 28| as "an outward sign of an inward grace given." For further
1397 18| imperial service, answered, "Ipsi sciunt quod ipsis ~expediat" (
1398 18| answered, "Ipsi sciunt quod ipsis ~expediat" (Ruinart, Act.
1399 6 | threatened with deposition ipso ~facto, and for this fault
1400 3 | Flor. 4 (in ~Stieren's Ireninians, Hipaeus, p. 935); Basilides,
1401 10| had been troubled by the ~irregular proceedings of Miletius,
1402 22| prohibition was found in the irregularities and ~disputes occasioned
1403 31| duties of the superintendent is--"That if the goods of the ~
1404 18| which in the Prisca and the Isidorian version stands as ~part
1405 18| heathenism; so that the final issue of the war would ~not be
1406 30| was first published, now issued an entirely ~new translation
1407 20| early days; and to them the issues of eternity were considered ~
1408 20| colon. 1560.) ~in 996, and Ivo(Decr. Pars. II. cap. xix.
1409 11| the ~celebrated jurist, Jacob Gothfried (Gothofredus),
1410 30| and ~were collected by James, the celebrated bishop of
1411 35| from the feria prima of ~January.(b.) The Romans were mistaken
1412 21| aside his old heathen or Jewish ~name and take one more
1413 3 | in his Godhead. See esp. Joann. ~Damasc. de Fid. Orth.
1414 7 | the pretence, ~of piety.~ ~JOHNSON.~For want of a proper English
1415 17| were allowed to ~remain and join in certain prayers particularly
1416 14| the ~Arabic paraphrase of Joseph explains. It is clear that
1417 19| commentaries, and so ~did Josephus AEgyptius, who in his Arabic
1418 20| mouth "his food for ~the journey," the Viaticum, before he
1419 1 | Epistle of St. Athanasius Ad Jovianum Imp., in the ~Ecclesiastical
1420 34| state of the case, accept joyfully ~the divine favour, and
1421 5 | Alexandria wrote a book against Judaizers, ~called "The Churches Canon"(
1422 30| the business decided by judices in partibus." The canon
1423 12| whose "ambitious designs and juggling tricks" they are only ~too
1424 5 | called 'canons' "(i. 13); as Julius of Rome calls a decree of
1425 12| been already quoted, dated June 11, 453 A.D., in which he ~
1426 9 | has passed into the Corpus jurisc ~an.~ ~This canon is found
1427 11| between the ~celebrated jurist, Jacob Gothfried (Gothofredus),
1428 23| De Translationibus in the Jus Orient.(i. 293, Cit. Haddon.
1429 30| Hardouin and Mansi; while ~Justell in his Bibliotheca juris
1430 33| Meletius(for in strict ~justice he deserved no leniency),
1431 25| allowed by the state law justifiable, were "not to be ~disturbed."
1432 6 | exception, but it might be ~justified by the apostolical canon,
1433 3 | between ktixein and gennan , ~justifying the use of the latter term
1434 18| his belt at the feet of Justina, Soz. vii. 13). They had
1435 12| metropolitan, but to this Beveridge justly replies that ~the same is
1436 20| constrained to accept the logical justness of its conclusions.~ ~ ~
1437 12| either ~by Leo or by Maximus. Juvehal was left master of the situation,
1438 12| Dict. Christ. Biography.)~Juvenalis succeeded Praylius as bishop
1439 6 | neophyte is of no advantage( kakos ). But if after ~ordination
1440 9 | Apol. I. 66: h ~ trofh auth kaleitai ~ par hmin ~ eukaristia .
1441 8 | BALSAMON~also understands kaqistasqai to mean election by ~vote.~ ~
1442 8 | canon by constitution ~( katastasin ) and ordination means the
1443 17| which is sometimes styled keimozomenoi , ~hybernantes, on account
1444 15| without ~any distinction from keirizein , whilst in the synodal ~
1445 27| elsewhere.~ ~JUSTELLUS.~Here keiroqesia is taken for ordination
1446 8 | error when they interpret ~ keirotonia of election. The canon is
1447 8 | Apostolical canon by ordination ~( keirotonian ) means consecration and
1448 23| statement that h ~ metabasis ~ kekwlutak , ou mhn ~ h metaqesis :
1449 28| assigned to their support), ~ khrai , diaconissoe, presbyteroe,
1450 18| injury" rather than "a ~kindness" (De Lapsis, 16); they must
1451 25| when applying for a loan to king ~Theodebert, for the relief
1452 9 | of the community into the Kingdom of God ~(see Didache, 9.
1453 10| will find ~it in Phillips's Kirchenrecht (Bd. ii. S. 35). I shall
1454 7 | Fuchs in his Bibliothek der kirchenver sammlungen confesses that
1455 32| Emperor, that the latter often kissed the empty ~socket of the
1456 12| ambition and, worse still, of knavery. No Christian can for a
1457 29| are certain persons who kneel on the Lord's ~Day and in
1458 21| classes insert here some who ~knelt and prayed, called Prostrati
1459 30| Nicene canons. Rufinus also ~knew only of these twenty canons;
1460 9 | eukaristian poiein whereby ~the koinos artos becomes the ~ artos
1461 9 | assembly of bishops ( tw koinw ) ~to soften it." Gelasius,
1462 6 | ei ~ de proiontos tou ~ krono , n ; that is to say, "It
1463 3 | existence, being equivalent to ktistos , ~ aktistos , while gennhtos , ~
1464 3 | the distinction ~between ktixein and gennan , ~justifying
1465 13| 18.)~ ~The Chorepiscopi ( kwrepiskopoi ), or bishops of ~country
1466 16| expression "without oblation" ( kwris ~ ~ prosforas ) see the
1467 3 | in Clem. Alex. Strom. v. l4, ~and by Agothon in Arist.
1468 13| power ~of ordination, but to lack jurisdiction, save subordinately.
1469 13| said, ~"Acesius, take a ladder, and climb up to heaven
1470 13| of ~the French Church, at Langres in 830, at Mayence in 847,
1471 31| those who return after a lapse ~from the faith, and of
1472 18| rather than "a ~kindness" (De Lapsis, 16); they must therefore "
1473 18| might be ~considered as a lapsus, even if he did not formally
1474 17| being of divine origin, lasted ~when the penitential discipline
1475 33| then those who have been lately received are to ~succeed
1476 35| not ~do so for five weeks later--that is to say, till April
1477 18| Observe the ~Grecised Latinism benefikiois and compare
1478 18| benefikiois and compare the ~Latinisms of St. Mark, and others
1479 12| council, the ~disgraceful Latrocinium, Juvenal occupied the third
1480 10| Beveridge, and the Gallican Launoy, try to show that the Council
1481 13| recorded (Pallad., Hist. Lausiac. 106). In the West, i.e.
1482 25| danaro, written on the laxer side, having attracted a
1483 13| considered their culpable laxity in admitting to penance
1484 18| Philo ~and Evarestus more laxly, "primordia bona;" compare ~
1485 6 | brought to ~the spiritual layer, and as soon as they have
1486 32| this coincidence would lead us to ~believe that it was
1487 12| utmost indignation by the leaders of the ~Christian church.
1488 12| iv. 109), and he took a ~leading part in the violent proceedings
1489 35| of Sardica in 343, as we learn from the ~newly discovered
1490 13| opinion no one can speak more learnedly nor more ~authoritatively
1491 23| when a ~bishop of marked learning and of equal piety is forced
1492 8 | two ways. The Greeks had learnt by ~bitter experience to
1493 35| dates in his table, and leaves ~the Pope to decide what
1494 21| as in the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem, with ~
1495 25| to lending money at the legal rate of interest, ~and that
1496 12| Dioscorus and the papal legate, having been specially named
1497 18| tale of the "Thundering Legion,"--the presence of Christians
1498 9 | very explicit canonical legislation upon the subject, and the
1499 25| repayment, "cure usuris legitimis," an expression which would
1500 33| justice he deserved no leniency), decreed that he should
1501 18| bishop shall ~treat him more lentently than had he been cold and
|