The Era Of Vatican Ostpolitik

From the Kremlin to the communist cell of the remotest village, the immense propaganda machine of international communism started showing signs of partial relaxation in its opposition both to the free nations of the West and to the different churches, notably the Holy Catholic Church. These reciprocated a new attitude toward the world behind the Iron Curtain. This change, however, had already become manifest during the pontificate of Pius XII's successor, Pope John XXIII (1958‑1963). This tendency toward relaxation continues to our day, having culminated with Gorbachev's recent visit to Pope John Paul II.

In 1969, with the beginning of the Ostpolitik of Chancellor Willy Brandt, this German word entered into common usage. Thus, it was also applied to the Vatican's policy of relaxation, even though the latter chronologically preceded that of Bonn.

Evidently, from Pius XII to John Paul II, there has been an enormous shift in the Vatican's diplomatic approach to the communist world. Undoubtedly, the matter has doctrinal implications which are of the competency of the Roman Pontiff's Supreme Magisterium. However, the matter is essentially diplomatic and, in its strictly diplomatic aspects, can be the object of divers evaluations on the part of the faithful.

Thus, we do not hesitate to affirm that the advantages the communist cause obtained with the Vatican Ostpolitik were not only great, but literally incalculable. The Second Vatican Council (1962‑1965) is an example.

In fact, because of the atmosphere of the nascent Vatican Ostpolitik, the representatives of the Russian "Orthodox" Church were invited to attend the Council sessions as official observers. How did the Holy Church benefit from that? To date, the benefits have been meager. As for disadvantages, we mention only one.

Presided over by John XXIII and later by Paul VI, the Vatican Ecumenical Council II was the largest in the history of the Church. It was agreed that all the major topics of the day related to the Catholic cause would be discussed. That the attitude of the Church toward Her greatest adversary at that time be among these topics was essential‑absolutely essential! In Her nearly two‑thousand year history, the Church had never encountered such a powerful, brutal and cunning adversary, so completely opposed to Her doctrine. A discussion of contemporary problems facing religion that fails to deal with communism would be as flawed as a world medical conference convened to study today's major diseases that omits any reference to AIDS.

This is what Vatican Ostpolitik accepted from the Kremlin. The latter declared that if the subject of communism were debated during the Council sessions, the ecclesiastical observers of the Russian "Orthodox" Church would leave that great assembly definitively. The possibility of a tumultuous break in relations caused many sensitive souls to shudder with compassion for fear it might rekindle barbaric religious persecutions behind the Iron Curtain. In view of this possible rupture, the Council did not discuss the communist AIDS!    The extended hand was covered with a beautiful glove, the velvety glove of cordiality. But there was an iron hand inside the glove. While the highest Church authorities sensed this, it did not stop them from pursuing the Ostpolitik, thus leading a growing number of Catholics to adopt an attitude toward communism which amounted to a veritable "dismantling of ideological barriers." And, in the realm of action, these Catholics increasingly joined the left in attacking private capitalism while advocating state capitalism. They thought the former was opposed to the "preferential option for the poor," while the latter could at least be likened (or more than just likened) to this opposition so extolled by the present Pontiff. Oh, what a cruel surprise state capitalism had in store for them!