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1 1 | 1~ The answer to this question
2 4(12)| Life of Methodius 13.
3 1(1) | Life of Constantine 14. ~
4 3 | The Life of Constantine (15) tells us: 'And so he remained
5 4(10)| Life of Constantine 17. ~
6 2 | 2~The second explanation of
7 1(2) | Feast of St Constantine (21 May). ~
8 3 | 3~We have no clear evidence
9 1 | since between the years 400 and 640 the Eastern Church'
10 2(5) | Historica, Epist. VII, p. 407. ~
11 2(6) | 4.~7. Life of Methodius 5.]~
12 3(8) | Life of Constantine 6.~
13 1 | between the years 400 and 640 the Eastern Church's missionary
14 2(6) | Life of Constantine 4.~7. Life of Methodius 5.]~
15 2 | Caliphate with Photius in 856, and was subsequently sent,
16 2 | Photius after the schism of 858. Another argument which
17 2 | return from this mission in 861, 'he had his seat in the
18 3 | arises, however: why, in 867, did the brothers not travel
19 3 | shortly after Cyril's death in 869 by a companion of his and
20 3 | was written in Moravia in 885 with the aim of persuading
21 | above
22 1 | to send missionaries abroad to spread the Christian
23 1 | been made to explain the absence of any reference to the
24 3 | Photius cannot have been absent from the deliberations concerning
25 3 | go to Rome of their οwn accord; they were forced tο do
26 1 | it was fοr the Emperor to act because it was to him that
27 4 | that 'the Patriarch also acted in a similar way':<12> that
28 2 | to be sent to Εuroρe, but actιιally selected them himself, as
29 | actually
30 4 | language, was an alphabet adapted to the specific phonetic
31 1 | to him that Rastislav had addressed his request. But in any
32 2 | Michael had chosen as his adviser οn all spiritual and ecclesiastical
33 4 | carried out only under the aegis of the Church and at some
34 3 | and the other for civil affairs. Ιn this context too, such
35 1 | Southern Arabia and as far afield as India, China, and Georgia.
36 1 | and peoples, from Nubia in Africa to Southern Arabia and as
37 | again
38 1 | would require both bilateral agreements at a State level and considerable
39 3 | Moravia in 885 with the aim of persuading the ruler,
40 1 | in this unique initiative aimed at bringing the Slavs into
41 4 | It is in this indirect, allusive fashion that the two biographers
42 | alone
43 4 | of the language, was an alphabet adapted to the specific
44 | always
45 2 | friend of Photius's, an 'amicus fortissimus' according to
46 | among
47 2 | according to the Roman Anastasius the Librarian.<5> ~After
48 | Another
49 4 | What was actually needed, apart from a teacher with a knowledge
50 1(2) | Apolytikion of the Feast of St Constantine (
51 1 | it was his duty, as 'the apostle among kings',<2> to send
52 2 | explanation of Photius's apparent noninvolvement in the mission
53 2 | been odd for Photius to appoint a personal enemy to this
54 2 | meeting, did not merely approve the men whο were to be sent
55 1 | Nubia in Africa to Southern Arabia and as far afield as India,
56 1 | Avars, Turks, Khazars, Arabs, Egyptians, Syrians, and
57 4 | him οn his way back to his archbishopric. The Patriarch was Photius.
58 2 | the schism of 858. Another argument which is used to support
59 1 | Cross. He refuted their arguments by declaring that in the
60 3 | that he did.~The question arises, however: why, in 867, did
61 1 | God in their own language: Armenians, Persians, Avasgians, Georgians,
62 3 | Cοnstantinople by sea. When they arrived in Venice, however, as the
63 1 | to Emperor Michael ΙΙΙ to ask him: 'Send us, Lord, ...
64 1 | importance for a correct assessment of: a) the two brothers'
65 2 | had charged with important assignments, and whom he had persuaded
66 2 | man of learning who was to assist, and in part draw up, the
67 1 | Christian peoples.~Various attempts have been made to explain
68 2 | disfavor with the political authorities and lost his professorial
69 3 | the supreme ecclesiastical authority in Byzantium, played a part
70 1 | Georgians, Sogdians, Goths, Avars, Turks, Khazars, Arabs,
71 1 | language: Armenians, Persians, Avasgians, Georgians, Sogdians, Goths,
72 4 | and translations of the basic books of worship and instruction.
73 2 | Nicholas. Some scholars believe that this opposition is
74 2 | philosopher' could not but belong to the progressive party
75 | besides
76 | beyond
77 1 | nature would require both bilateral agreements at a State level
78 4 | allusive fashion that the two biographers in fact give Photius all
79 3 | under which the brothers' biographies were written.~The Life of
80 2 | Philosopher', and his posthumous biography was titled The Life of Constantine
81 3 | Constantine reports,<9> Latin bishops, clerics, and monks gave
82 4 | translations of the basic books of worship and instruction.
83 4 | learned dialectics and all the branches of philosophy under Leo
84 4 | in their οwn language and bring them the 'good law'. The
85 1 | unique initiative aimed at bringing the Slavs into the community
86 1 | conversion of Germany and Britain.~
87 3 | relations between Byzantium and Bulgaria made it preferable to travel
88 1 | this that its purpose, in Byzantine terms, was purely political.
89 1 | relations with Rome; and c) the aims of the mission. ~
90 1 | countries.'<1> ~The Emperor then called a meeting of the Senate,
91 3 | there too, they eventually came to Venice. It seems likely
92 | cannot
93 4 | preparation could have been carried out only under the aegis
94 1 | and commissioned them to carry out the task. It was the
95 4 | Church and at some special center for Slavonic studies, which
96 3 | Photius, but we do have certain indications. The fact that
97 1 | outlay.~Αll the same, it is certainly strange that no mention
98 2 | qιιestions, whom he had charged with important assignments,
99 3 | Liturgy and thus forestall the charges being brought against Methodius
100 1 | as far afield as India, China, and Georgia. Ιn Europe
101 3 | mission. Indeed, we have no choice but to accept that he did.~
102 2 | the man whom Michael had chosen as his adviser οn all spiritual
103 1 | Germanic tribes received Christianity from Constantinople. At
104 3 | undoubtedly connected with the circumstances under which the brothers'
105 3 | religious and the other for civil affairs. Ιn this context
106 1 | Slavs into the community of civilized Christian peoples.~Various
107 1 | after A.D.400. This is quite clearly not so, since between the
108 3 | reports,<9> Latin bishops, clerics, and monks gave them a rough
109 2 | Theodora. He was, moreover, a close friend of Photius's, an '
110 2 | Photius,<4> and later his colleague at the University of Constantinople,
111 1 | brothers to attend, and commissioned them to carry out the task.
112 1 | bringing the Slavs into the community of civilized Christian peoples.~
113 3 | Cyril's death in 869 by a companion of his and Methodius's,
114 1 | Christian after Α.D.400. Ιn comparison with this activity, the
115 4 | that Photius's role is not completely ignored, but is referred
116 3 | absent from the deliberations concerning the mission to Central Europe.
117 1 | would be quite incorrect to cοnclude from this that its purpose,
118 4 | the Patriarch, Photius.~Ιn conclusion, therefore, we may say that:
119 3 | this point is undoubtedly connected with the circumstances under
120 1 | agreements at a State level and considerable financial outlay.~Αll the
121 4 | teacher, a reference which was considered harmless: 'Constantine learned
122 1 | more extraordinary if one considers the fact that the mission
123 3 | has set out -in this case Constantinople- and the brothers were travelling
124 3 | for civil affairs. Ιn this context too, such a reference would
125 3 | with the Germans, who were continuing to promote the filioque.
126 1 | nothing to show but the conversion of Germany and Britain.~
127 4 | words and expressions to convey notions that simply did
128 3 | s role, which was at the core of the work. It would also
129 1 | of great importance for a correct assessment of: a) the two
130 1 | Cyril's opponents refused to countenance the use in the Liturgy of
131 4 | features of Slavonic, the creation of theological and ecclesiastical
132 1 | three holy languages of the Cross. He refuted their arguments
133 3 | a rough reception ('like crows against a hawk') because
134 4 | mission had both religious and cultural aims.~ ~
135 4 | simply did not exist for a culturally underdeveloped people.~The
136 3 | It would also have been dangerous because, although Photius
137 1 | refuted their arguments by declaring that in the East all peoples
138 3 | episcopal see, which he declined. It is clear from what has
139 2 | Prime Minister, Bardas, had deep roots. They replaced the
140 1 | Rastislav, sent a special delegation to Emperor Michael ΙΙΙ to
141 3 | have been absent from the deliberations concerning the mission to
142 3 | is therefore no reason to deny that Photius, as the supreme
143 3 | It seems likely that the deteriorating relations between Byzantium
144 4 | harmless: 'Constantine learned dialectics and all the branches of
145 3 | by now and had mended his differences with Rome, he still had
146 3 | then, should be phrased differently: why do the sources not
147 4 | instruction. This was a difficult task in respect of an unwritten
148 3 | Methodius, because it would have diminished the Emperor's role, which
149 3 | The appointment followed directly upon the two brothers' return
150 2 | Constantine-Cyril fell into disfavor with the political authorities
151 1 | fact that the mission was dispatched during Photius's term as
152 4 | Hadrian II, who was well disposed towards him. Had it not
153 1 | truth the good law is always disseminated by you to all countries.'<1> ~
154 | does
155 2 | was to assist, and in part draw up, the State reconstruction
156 4 | fact give Photius all his due, from the start to the finish
157 1 | province, because it was his duty, as 'the apostle among kings',<2>
158 2 | himself, as he had done for earlier missions. It is obvious
159 4 | countries, but played, in effect, the most important part.~
160 1 | Turks, Khazars, Arabs, Egyptians, Syrians, and other besides.<3>
161 2 | Philosophy in the reign of Empress Theodora. He was, moreover,
162 4 | Rastislav, who had probably been encouraged to make it by people from
163 | end
164 2 | tlιat, far from being his enemies, they must have been his
165 2 | Photius to appoint a personal enemy to this most important institution.~
166 4 | former was also persuaded to enter the lists against it.~It
167 3 | had offered Methodius an episcopal see, which he declined.
168 2(5) | Μοnumentα Germaniae Historica, Epist. VII, p. 407. ~
169 2 | men whο were to be sent to Εuroρe, but actιιally selected
170 | even
171 3 | Reference to his part in events would have undermined the
172 3 | disciples there too, they eventually came to Venice. It seems
173 4 | notions that simply did not exist for a culturally underdeveloped
174 4 | the preconditions had not existed? ~What was actually needed,
175 1 | attempts have been made to explain the absence of any reference
176 4 | which lacked words and expressions to convey notions that simply
177 2 | supporters of Ignatius and, by extension, Ρope Nicholas. Some scholars
178 1 | undertaking; and this is even more extraordinary if one considers the fact
179 4 | important part.~Byzantium was faced with a request from Rastislav,
180 2 | rather than to the zealot faction of Ignatius. ~
181 4 | Indeed, what the two brothers failed to do then, Methodius did
182 4 | this indirect, allusive fashion that the two biographers
183 1(2) | Apolytikion of the Feast of St Constantine (21 May). ~
184 4 | to the specific phonetic features of Slavonic, the creation
185 2 | Theoctistus, Constantine-Cyril fell into disfavor with the political
186 4 | then, Methodius did alone fifteen years later, when Photius
187 2 | most important institution.~Finally, one should not overlook
188 1 | State level and considerable financial outlay.~Αll the same, it
189 4 | due, from the start to the finish of the mission. And all
190 3 | sentiments. The appointment followed directly upon the two brothers'
191 1 | the mission originated as follows. The Prince of Moravia,
192 4 | Apostles. And the motivating force behind it all was the Patriarch,
193 3 | their οwn accord; they were forced tο do so. The Life of Constantine (
194 3 | in the Liturgy and thus forestall the charges being brought
195 | former
196 2 | of Photius's, an 'amicus fortissimus' according to the Roman
197 | forty
198 2 | He was, moreover, a close friend of Photius's, an 'amicus
199 2 | they must have been his friends. Furthermore, Cyril is known
200 1 | that the Eastern Church in general, and the Patriarchate of
201 3 | in Rome and in the West generally, and had now been deposed
202 1 | afield as India, China, and Georgia. Ιn Europe tοo the majority
203 1 | Armenians, Persians, Avasgians, Georgians, Sogdians, Goths, Avars,
204 2(5) | Pope Hadrian, Μοnumentα Germaniae Historica, Epist. VII, p.
205 1 | tοo the majority of the Germanic tribes received Christianity
206 3 | both a Latinophile and a Germanophile, that the mission was the
207 3 | had not done so with the Germans, who were continuing to
208 1 | show but the conversion of Germany and Britain.~
209 4 | teaching, gave him sumptuous gifts, and sent him οn his way
210 3 | Patriarch Ignatius. Indeed, given the fact that his appointment
211 1 | had the Gospel and praised God in their own language: Armenians,
212 4 | the Life of Constantine goes οn to say that 'when the
213 4 | invitation, he would have gone to Constantinople. Indeed,
214 1 | East all peoples had the Gospel and praised God in their
215 1 | Avasgians, Georgians, Sogdians, Goths, Avars, Turks, Khazars,
216 4 | good law'. The Emperor granted the request at once by sending
217 4 | of view, and Michael ΙΙΙ granting political and material protection;
218 1 | Constantinople in particular, was not greatly interested in missionary
219 1 | Photius the Great had no hand in this unique initiative
220 4 | reference which was considered harmless: 'Constantine learned dialectics
221 3 | the work, for Photius was hated in Rome and in the West
222 2 | University of Constantinople, having been appointed Professor
223 3 | reception ('like crows against a hawk') because of their use of
224 3 | language, and brought up the heresy of Trilinguism.~
225 | himself
226 1 | explanation, offered by Western historians, is that the Eastern Church
227 2(5) | Hadrian, Μοnumentα Germaniae Historica, Epist. VII, p. 407. ~
228 2 | Europe two men who were hostile to the ecclesiastical policy
229 4 | s role is not completely ignored, but is referred to obliquely.
230 1 | this question is of great importance for a correct assessment
231 3 | Emperor. It would have been impossible, in the Life of Constantine,
232 1 | mission. But it would be quite incorrect to cοnclude from this that
233 1 | Arabia and as far afield as India, China, and Georgia. Ιn
234 2 | that this opposition is indicated by the probability that
235 3 | but we do have certain indications. The fact that he was appointed
236 4 | against it.~It is in this indirect, allusive fashion that the
237 4 | that 'when the Pope was informed about him [Cyril], he sent
238 4 | Constantine states, for instance, that Photius was Cyril'
239 | instead
240 2 | enemy to this most important institution.~Finally, one should not
241 3 | ruler, Κocel, in order to instruct disciples there too, they
242 4 | basic books of worship and instruction. This was a difficult task
243 4 | Cyril did not originally intend to go to Rome, but did so
244 1 | particular, was not greatly interested in missionary work - at
245 1 | Patriarch. If the Church was not involved, then Photius the Great
246 1 | reference to the Church's involvement. The first explanation,
247 | itself
248 1 | Sogdians, Goths, Avars, Turks, Khazars, Arabs, Egyptians, Syrians,
249 1 | duty, as 'the apostle among kings',<2> to send missionaries
250 4 | apart from a teacher with a knowledge of the language, was an
251 3 | a while with its ruler, Κocel, in order to instruct disciples
252 4 | unformed language, which lacked words and expressions to
253 3 | the use of the Slavonic langιιage in the Liturgy and thus
254 1 | of any but the three holy languages of the Cross. He refuted
255 3 | Constantine reports,<9> Latin bishops, clerics, and monks
256 3 | Sviatopolk, who was both a Latinophile and a Germanophile, that
257 | latter
258 1 | any case, such a matter lay within his province, because
259 4 | considered harmless: 'Constantine learned dialectics and all the branches
260 | least
261 4 | the mission. And all this leaves no doubt that Photius did
262 3 | Moravia for forty months, and left in order to tonsure his
263 4 | branches of philosophy under Leo and Photius.<11> The Life
264 2(5) | Letter to Pope Hadrian, Μοnumentα
265 1 | bilateral agreements at a State level and considerable financial
266 2 | the Roman Anastasius the Librarian.<5> ~After the death of
267 | like
268 4 | also persuaded to enter the lists against it.~It is in this
269 1 | that is, the Old Slavonic Lives of Cyril and Methodius-
270 4 | studies, which was probably located in the School of the Holy
271 1 | ΙΙΙ to ask him: 'Send us, Lord, ... a bishop and teacher;
272 2 | political authorities and lost his professorial chair.
273 1 | Georgia. Ιn Europe tοo the majority of the Germanic tribes received
274 4 | ΙΙΙ granting political and material protection; and b) that
275 1 | But in any case, such a matter lay within his province,
276 4 | Moravia see eye to eye οn all matters, but, learning of the teaching
277 3 | Polychroniou Monastery does not mean that he was friendly towards
278 4 | asked for him';<10> which means that Cyril did not originally
279 3 | patriarchal throne by now and had mended his differences with Rome,
280 4 | The Life of Methodius mentions towards the end that 'the
281 1 | Slavonic Lives of Cyril and Methodius- the mission originated as
282 2 | he had done for earlier missions. It is obvious tlιat, far
283 3 | it was made precisely to mollify the monks who supported
284 3 | remained in Moravia for forty months, and left in order to tonsure
285 2(5) | Letter to Pope Hadrian, Μοnumentα Germaniae Historica, Epist.
286 | more
287 | moreover
288 4 | the Holy Apostles. And the motivating force behind it all was
289 | much
290 1 | Furthermore, a mission of this nature would require both bilateral
291 4 | existed? ~What was actually needed, apart from a teacher with
292 2 | explanation of Photius's apparent noninvolvement in the mission is that Cyril
293 | Nor
294 | nothing
295 2 | which is used to support the notion of this opposition is that
296 4 | and expressions to convey notions that simply did not exist
297 1 | countries and peoples, from Nubia in Africa to Southern Arabia
298 4 | ignored, but is referred to obliquely. The Life of Constantine
299 2 | earlier missions. It is obvious tlιat, far from being his
300 3 | term as Patriarch, and was obviously sanctioned by him, it seems
301 2 | premises. It would have been odd for Photius to appoint a
302 2 | nο doubt through the good offices of Photius. He travelled
303 1 | primary sources -that is, the Old Slavonic Lives of Cyril
304 | once
305 2 | Patriarchal School, which operated οn that church's premises.
306 3 | against it were therefore opposing the plans of the Emperor.
307 4 | not merely participate in organizing the mission to Moravia and
308 3 | disciples in their place of origin -Constantinople. However,
309 4 | means that Cyril did not originally intend to go to Rome, but
310 1 | and Methodius- the mission originated as follows. The Prince of
311 1 | and considerable financial outlay.~Αll the same, it is certainly
312 2 | Finally, one should not overlook Constantine-Cyril's title.
313 2(5) | Germaniae Historica, Epist. VII, p. 407. ~
314 3 | However, after passing through Pannonia, and staying fοr a while
315 4 | Photius did indeed not merely participate in organizing the mission
316 1 | Patriarchate of Constantinople in particular, was not greatly interested
317 2 | belong to the progressive party of Photius, rather than
318 3 | Αnd when three years had passed, they returned from Moravia.'~'
319 3 | Constantinople. However, after passing through Pannonia, and staying
320 1 | Church in general, and the Patriarchate of Constantinople in particular,
321 2 | After the death of his patron, Prime Minister Theoctistus,
322 1 | own language: Armenians, Persians, Avasgians, Georgians, Sogdians,
323 3 | to present Photius as the person behind the brothers' mission.
324 2 | for Photius to appoint a personal enemy to this most important
325 3 | Moravia in 885 with the aim of persuading the ruler, Prince Sviatopolk,
326 4 | adapted to the specific phonetic features of Slavonic, the
327 3 | question, then, should be phrased differently: why do the
328 3 | were therefore opposing the plans of the Emperor. It would
329 2 | explanation, it must be pointed out that the change of patriarch
330 2 | hostile to the ecclesiastical policy of Photius, and therefore
331 2 | persuaded to accept the position of Patriarch, was not merely
332 3 | Nor was such a reference possible in the Life of Methodius,
333 2 | towards Ignatius could not possibly, it is said, have been a
334 2 | the Philosopher', and his posthumous biography was titled The
335 1 | peoples had the Gospel and praised God in their own language:
336 3 | likely that it was made precisely to mollify the monks who
337 4 | he have done this if the preconditions had not existed? ~What was
338 3 | Byzantium and Bulgaria made it preferable to travel to Cοnstantinople
339 2 | operated οn that church's premises. It would have been odd
340 1 | mission. ~According to the primary sources -that is, the Old
341 2 | opposition is indicated by the probability that Polychroniou Monastery,
342 4 | it was, beyond doubt, the product of many years of preparation.
343 2 | Constantinople, having been appointed Professor of Philosophy in the reign
344 2 | the State reconstruction programme. How could they have sent
345 2 | could not but belong to the progressive party of Photius, rather
346 3 | who were continuing to promote the filioque. It would therefore
347 4 | granting political and material protection; and b) that their mission
348 4 | Emperor together, Photius providing what was required from the
349 1 | a matter lay within his province, because it was his duty,
350 3 | been seen in the West as provocative.~There is therefore no reason
351 2 | is known to have been a pupil of Photius,<4> and later
352 1 | in Byzantine terms, was purely political. In the first
353 2 | spiritual and ecclesiastical qιιestions, whom he had charged with
354 4 | Pope's invitation. When he reached Rome, however, he was received
355 3 | Byzantium, and that those who reacted against it were therefore
356 3 | the Life of Methodius we read: 'Αnd when three years had
357 3 | monks gave them a rough reception ('like crows against a hawk')
358 2 | subsequently sent, οn the latter's recommendation, to the Crimea and Khazaria.
359 2 | professorial chair. He was later reconciled with the Emperor and Bardas,
360 2 | part draw up, the State reconstruction programme. How could they
361 4 | completely ignored, but is referred to obliquely. The Life of
362 1 | Venice, Cyril's opponents refused to countenance the use in
363 1 | languages of the Cross. He refuted their arguments by declaring
364 2 | Professor of Philosophy in the reign of Empress Theodora. He
365 3 | 15) tells us: 'And so he remained in Moravia for forty months,
366 2 | Bardas, had deep roots. They replaced the zealous but rigid Ignatius
367 3 | the Life of Constantine reports,<9> Latin bishops, clerics,
368 1 | mission of this nature would require both bilateral agreements
369 4 | Photius providing what was required from the theological and
370 4 | was a difficult task in respect of an unwritten and unformed
371 3 | together, the one being responsible for religious and the other
372 3 | Moravia.'~'They returned'. One returns to tlιe point from which
373 2 | replaced the zealous but rigid Ignatius with Photius, a
374 2 | fortissimus' according to the Roman Anastasius the Librarian.<5> ~
375 2 | Minister, Bardas, had deep roots. They replaced the zealous
376 2 | Ignatius and, by extension, Ρope Nicholas. Some scholars
377 3 | clerics, and monks gave them a rough reception ('like crows against
378 3 | Patriarch, and was obviously sanctioned by him, it seems likely
379 2 | rather than Photius after the schism of 858. Another argument
380 2 | extension, Ρope Nicholas. Some scholars believe that this opposition
381 3 | travel to Cοnstantinople by sea. When they arrived in Venice,
382 2 | mission in 861, 'he had his seat in the Church of the Holy
383 2 | 2~The second explanation of Photius's
384 3 | reference would have been seen in the West as provocative.~
385 2 | to Εuroρe, but actιιally selected them himself, as he had
386 4 | granted the request at once by sending two teachers, one of whom
387 3 | Ignatius and to change their sentiments. The appointment followed
388 3 | point from which one has set out -in this case Constantinople-
389 3 | Philosopher was written in Rome shortly after Cyril's death in 869
390 1 | Western Church had nothing to show but the conversion of Germany
391 4 | 4~What is significant is that the Life of Constantine
392 3 | his participation? ~Their silence οn this point is undoubtedly
393 4 | Patriarch also acted in a similar way':<12> that is, he received
394 4 | expressions to convey notions that simply did not exist for a culturally
395 | since
396 1 | initiative aimed at bringing the Slavs into the community of civilized
397 1 | Persians, Avasgians, Georgians, Sogdians, Goths, Avars, Turks, Khazars,
398 1 | from Nubia in Africa to Southern Arabia and as far afield
399 4 | alphabet adapted to the specific phonetic features of Slavonic,
400 3 | why do the sources not specifically mention his participation? ~
401 2 | chosen as his adviser οn all spiritual and ecclesiastical qιιestions,
402 1 | send missionaries abroad to spread the Christian faith. Furthermore,
403 1(2) | Apolytikion of the Feast of St Constantine (21 May). ~
404 4 | Photius all his due, from the start to the finish of the mission.
405 4 | The Life of Constantine states, for instance, that Photius
406 3 | passing through Pannonia, and staying fοr a while with its ruler,
407 | still
408 4 | special center for Slavonic studies, which was probably located
409 2 | Photius in 856, and was subsequently sent, οn the latter's recommendation,
410 4 | by Nicholas, but by his successor, Hadrian II, who was well
411 4 | approved his teaching, gave him sumptuous gifts, and sent him οn his
412 2 | argument which is used to support the notion of this opposition
413 2 | it is said, have been a supporter of Photius; and two men
414 2 | οppοnents of Photius and supporters of Ignatius and, by extension,
415 2 | Cyril and Methodius were supposedly οppοnents of Photius and
416 3 | deny that Photius, as the supreme ecclesiastical authority
417 3 | persuading the ruler, Prince Sviatopolk, who was both a Latinophile
418 1 | Khazars, Arabs, Egyptians, Syrians, and other besides.<3> Most
419 4 | teacher, whο would be able to teach them the true Christian
420 4 | request at once by sending two teachers, one of whom was to become
421 3 | Life of Constantine (15) tells us: 'And so he remained
422 4 | theological and ecclesiastical terminology in Slavonic, and translations
423 1 | its purpose, in Byzantine terms, was purely political. In
424 2 | his patron, Prime Minister Theoctistus, Constantine-Cyril fell
425 2 | in the reign of Empress Theodora. He was, moreover, a close
426 | those
427 3 | back οn the patriarchal throne by now and had mended his
428 | thus
429 4 | working in Moravia for some time. The Prince asked for a
430 2 | overlook Constantine-Cyril's title. Αll his life he was known
431 2 | posthumous biography was titled The Life of Constantine
432 2 | missions. It is obvious tlιat, far from being his enemies,
433 3 | returned'. One returns to tlιe point from which one has
434 3 | travelling there in order to tonsιιre their disciples in their
435 3 | months, and left in order to tonsure his disciples'; while in
436 4 | terminology in Slavonic, and translations of the basic books of worship
437 2 | good offices of Photius. He travelled to the Caliphate with Photius
438 3 | Constantinople- and the brothers were travelling there in order to tonsιιre
439 1 | majority of the Germanic tribes received Christianity from
440 3 | brought up the heresy of Trilinguism.~
441 4 | be able to teach them the true Christian faith in their
442 1 | Sogdians, Goths, Avars, Turks, Khazars, Arabs, Egyptians,
443 4 | not exist for a culturally underdeveloped people.~The missionaries
444 3 | part in events would have undermined the whole purpose of the
445 1 | Church's participation in the undertaking; and this is even more extraordinary
446 3 | silence οn this point is undoubtedly connected with the circumstances
447 3 | The answer is strange, but unequivocal: they did not go to Rome
448 4 | respect of an unwritten and unformed language, which lacked words
449 1 | Great had no hand in this unique initiative aimed at bringing
450 2 | later his colleague at the University of Constantinople, having
451 3 | therefore have been most unwise to present Photius as the
452 4 | difficult task in respect of an unwritten and unformed language, which
453 | upon
454 | used
455 1 | civilized Christian peoples.~Various attempts have been made
456 | very
457 4 | theological and religious point of view, and Michael ΙΙΙ granting
458 2(5) | Germaniae Historica, Epist. VII, p. 407. ~
459 2 | Photius; and two men who were warmly received in Rome must have
460 2 | is that the brothers were welcomed in Rome when they returned
461 | well
462 | whole
463 | within
464 4 | unformed language, which lacked words and expressions to convey
465 4 | Constantinople who had been working in Moravia for some time.
466 4 | translations of the basic books of worship and instruction. This was
467 | you
468 2 | Photius, rather than to the zealot faction of Ignatius. ~
469 2 | roots. They replaced the zealous but rigid Ignatius with
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