The
baptism of Russia: The Kiev period (988-1237).
Photius also made plans to convert the Slavs of Russia. Around 864 he
sent a bishop to Rus-
sia, but this first Christian foundation
was exterminated by Oleg, who assumed power at Kiev
(the chief Russian city
at this time) in 878. Russia, however,
continued to undergo a steady
Christian
infiltration from Byzantium,
Bulgaria, and Scandinavia,
and there was
certainly a
church at Kiev in 945. The Russian
Princess Olga became Christian in 955, but her son Svya-
toslav refused to follow her example,
saying that his retinue would laugh at him if he received
Christian baptism. But around 988 Olga.s
grandson Vladimir (reigned 980-1015) was converted
to Christianity and married Anna, the
sister of the Byzantine Emperor. Orthodoxy became the
State religion of Russia, and such it
remained until 1917. Vladimir set to in earnest to Christian-
ize his realm: priests, relics, sacred
vessels, and icons were imported; mass baptisms were held in
the rivers; Church courts were set up, and
ecclesiastical tithes instituted. The great idol of the god
Perun, with its silver head and gold
moustaches, was rolled ignominiously down from the hilltop
above Kiev. .Angel.s trumpet and Gospel.s
thunder sounded through all the towns. The air was
sanctified by the incense that ascended
towards God. Monasteries stood on the mountains. Men
and women, small and great, all people
filled the holy churches. (Quoted in G.P. Fedotov, The Russian
Religious Mind, p.
410). So the
Metropolitan Hilarion described
the event sixty
years afterwards,
doubtless idealizing a little; for Kievan
Russia was not at once completely converted to Christi-
anity, and the Church was at first
restricted mainly to the cities, while much of the countryside
remained pagan until the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries.
Vladimir placed the same emphasis upon the social implications of
Christianity as John the
Almsgiver had done. Whenever he feasted
with his Court, he distributed food to
the poor and
sick; nowhere else in medieval Europe were
there such highly organized .social services. as in
tenth-century Kiev. Other rulers in Kievan
Russia followed Vladimir.s example. Prince Vladimir
Monomachos (reigned 1113-1125) wrote in
his Testament to his
sons: .Above all things forget
not the poor, and support them to the
extent of your means. Give to the
orphan, protect the
widow, and permit the mighty to destroy no
man. (Quoted
in G. Vernadsky, Kievan Russia, New Haven,
1948, p. 195) Vladimir was also deeply conscious of the
Christian law of mercy, and when he in-
troduced
the Byzantine law code at Kiev,
he insisted on
mitigating its more
savage and brutal
features. There was no death penalty in
Kievan Russia, no mutilation, no torture; corporal pun-
ishment was very little used. (In Byzantium the death
penalty existed, but was hardly ever applied; the pun-
ishment of mutilation,
however, was employed with distressing frequency).
The same gentleness can be seen in the story of Vladimir.s two sons,
Boris and Gleb. On
Vladimir.s death in 1015, their elder
brother Svyatopolk attempted to seize their principalities.
Taking literally the commands of the
Gospel, they offered no resistance, although they could eas-
ily have done so; and each in turn was
murdered by Svyatopolk.s emissaries. If any blood were
to be shed, Boris and Gleb preferred that
it should be their own. Although they were not martyrs
41
for the faith, but victims in a political
quarrel, they were both canonized, being given the special
title of .Passion Bearers.: it was felt
that by their innocent and voluntary
suffering they had
shared in the Passion of Christ. Russians
have always laid great emphasis on the place of suffer-
ing in the Christian life.
In
Kievan Russia, as in Byzantium and the medieval west, monasteries played an
important
part. The most influential of them all was
the Petchersky Lavra, the
Monastery of the Caves at
Kiev. Founded around 105I by Saint Antony,
a Russian who had lived on Mount Athos, it was
reorganized by his successor Saint
Theodosius (died 1074), who introduced there the rule of the
monastery of the Studium at
Constantinople. Like Vladimir, Theodosius was conscious of the
social consequences of Christianity,
and applied them in a radical fashion, identifying himself
closely with the poor, much as Saint
Francis of Assisi did in the west. Boris and Gleb followed
Christ in his sacrificial death;
Theodosius followed Christ in his life of poverty and voluntary
.self-emptying.. Of noble birth, he chose
in childhood to wear coarse and patched garments and
to work in the fields with the slaves.
.Our Lord Jesus Christ,. he said, .became poor and hum-
bled Himself, offering Himself as an
example, so that we should humble ourselves in His name.
He suffered insults, was spat upon, and
beaten, for our salvation; how just it
is, then, that we
should suffer in order to gain Christ. (Nestor, .Life of Saint
Theodosius,. in G.P. Fedotov, A Treasury of
Russian Spirituality, p. 27). Even when Abbot he wore the meanest kind of clothing and rejected all
outward signs of authority. Yet at the
same time he was the honored friend and adviser of nobles
and princes. The same ideal of humility is
seen in others, for example Bishop Luke of Vladimir
(died 1185) who, in the words of the Vladimir Chronicle, .bore upon himself the humiliation of
Christ, not having a city here but seeking
a future one.. It is an ideal found often in Russian folk-
lore, and in writers such as Tolstoy and
Dostoyevsky.
Vladimir,
Boris and Gleb, and Theodosius were all
intensely concerned with the practical
implications of
the Gospel: Vladimir
in his concern
for social justice
and his desire
to treat
criminals with mercy; Boris and Gleb in
their resolution to follow Christ in His voluntary suffer-
ing and death; Theodosius in his
self-identification with the humble. These four saints embody
some of the most attractive features in
Kievan Christianity.
The Russian Church during the Kievan period was subject to
Constantinople, and until 1237
the Metropolitans of Russia were usually
Greek. In memory of the days when the Metropolitan
came from Byzantium, the Russian Church
continues to sing in Greek the solemn greeting to a
bishop, eis polla eti, despota (.unto many years, O master.). But of the
rest of the bishops, about
half were native Russians in the Kievan
period; one was even a converted Jew,
and another a
Syrian.
Kiev enjoyed relations not only with Byzantium but with western Europe,
and certain fea-
tures in the organization of the early
Russian Church, such as ecclesiastical tithes, were not Byz-
antine but western. Many western saints
who do not appear in the Byzantine calendar were ven-
erated at Kiev; a prayer to the Holy
Trinity composed in Russia during the eleventh century lists
English saints such as Alban and Botolph,
and a French saint, Martin of Tours. Some writers
have even argued that until 1054 Russian
Christianity was as much Latin as Greek, but this is a
great exaggeration. Russia was closer to
the west in the Kiev period than at any other time until
the reign of Peter the Great, but she owed
immeasurably more to Byzantine than to Latin culture.
Napoleon was correct historically when he
called Emperor Alexander I of Russia .a Greek of the
Lower Empire..
It
has been said that it was Russia.s greatest misfortune that she was allowed too
little time
to assimilate the full spiritual
inheritance of Byzantium. In 1237 Kievan Russia was brought to a
42
sudden and violent end by the Mongol
invasions; Kiev was sacked, and the whole Russian land
was overrun, except the far north around
Novgorod. A visitor to the Mongol Court in 1246 re-
corded that he saw in Russian territory
neither town nor village, but only ruins
and countless
human skulls. But if Kiev was destroyed,
the Christianity of Kiev remained a living memory:
Kievan Russia, like the golden days of
childhood, was never dimmed in the mem-
ory of the Russian nation. In the pure
fountain of her literary works anyone who
wills can quench his religious thirst; in
her venerable authors he can find his guide
through the complexities of the modern
world. Kievan Christianity has the same
value for the Russian religious mind as
Pushkin for the Russian artistic sense: that
of a standard, a golden measure, a royal
way (G.P.
Fedotov, The Russian Religious Mind,
p. 412).
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