NOTES and ILLUSTRATIONS

P.1 l.3

SCAPULA TERTULLUS.  There is extant a rescript addressed by Marcus Antoninus, and his son Commodus, Scapulae Tertyllo Praesidi, l. 14. Dig. de officio Praesidis.  Every antiquary knows, that Tertullus and Tertyllus are different ways of spelling the same name.

Hence it appears that Scapula Tertullus was high in office towards the latter end of the reign of Marcus Antoninus.

Prosper Aquinas [Chronicon] places Tertullus and Clemens as Consuls in the third or fourth year of the Emperor Severus, and so also the Fasti Idatiani.  The Fasti Consulares Anonymi, published by [34] Cardinal Noris, bear A.U.C. 948.  A.C.N. 195. "Tertullo et Clemente Coss."  There is extant in Gruter, Inscript. p. 1027. Nº. 4. the delineation of a stone dug up at Ostia, which bears the following words: "P. Martio. Quir. Philippo, ---- tribuno fabrum navalium Portens.  Corpus fabrum navalium Ostiens. Quibus ex S.C. coire licet, Patrono optimo, P.P."  On the right side of this stone there is added, "Dedicata iii. Idus April. Scapula Tertullo et Tineio Clemente conss."  Pamelius ad Tertul. p. 68 (a) says, that this stone is preserved in the Farnese palace at Rome; and, to add one evidence more, mention is made of "Oratio  Severi Augusti, in Senatu recitata, Tertullo et Clemente Consulibus," l. 1. § 1. Dig. de Rebus eorum qui sub tutela, &c.  The discourse was read in the Senate [in Senatu recitata]," by reason of the absence of the emperor [35] on his military expeditions.  And this, by the way, shews the great trust which he resposed in Scapula Tertullus.

In the treatise of Tertullian, now under consideration, we find Scapula Tertullus President, or, to speak with more accuracy, Proconsul of Africa.

One is naturally led to inquire for some further particulars of the history of a man who bore a high office under Marcus Antonius; who remained secure, if not distinguished, throughout the times of Commodus; who obtained the dignity of Consul from Severus in the early part of that reign; and who, even at its conclusion, held the government of Africa.  

There is a passage in Julius Capitolinus, which appears applicable to Scapula Tertullus.  The historian says, that Marcus Antonius was blamed for having promoted the paramours of his wife Faustina to various eminent offices.  [36] Tertullus stands first in the list of the persons of promoted.  I subjoin the passage, which contains many remarkable circumstances: "Crimini ei datum est quod adulteros uxoris promoverit, Tertullum, et Utilium, et Orphitum, et Moderatum, ad varios honores: quum Tertullum etiam prandentem cum uxore deprehenderit.  De quo mimus in scena, praesente Antonino, dixit, quum stupidus nomen adulteri uxories a fervo quaereret, et ille diceret ter Tullus, et adhuc stupidus quaereret, respondit, jam dixi ter Tullus  dicitur." Hist. Aug. Script. p. 34.  It seems unnecessary to give a translation of this chronique scandaleuse.

If we suppose Scapula Tertullus to have been a man of sixty-three or sixty-four when Tertullian addressed him, there will be no anachronism in the ranking him among the favourites of Faustina; and thus the passage in Julius Capitolinus, and l. 14. D. de [37] Officio Praesidis, already quoted, will serve to illustrate each other.

P.1. l. 9. 10

"When we became of this sect," [cùm ad hanc sectam venerimus].  The followers of different philosophers were called "philosophorum sectae, familiae, disciplinae." In imitation of this, Tertullian applies the phrase, "haec secta," to the disciples of Christ; and,  presently after, he calls their institutions "disciplina."

P. 2. l. 1

"We thereby bound ourselves to let out our very lives in the warfare belonging to it." [ut etiam animas nostras auctorati in has pugnas accedamus].  This alludes to the practice of gladiators, who contracted to fight.  The version does not express the energy of the original: "To let out life," is an aukward and an ambiguous phrase; "we hire our lives," might sound better; but, in [38] modern English at least, "to hire," is "conducere," and not "locare."

P. 3. l. 17

"Neither indeed is it the business of religion to compel religion," [sed nec religionis est cogere religionem]. "Lest," Pamelius says, "any one should chance to pervert this passage, as if it meant to admit license to sects, it is proper to take notice of an opinion of the author, in the beginning of the treatise called Scorpiace, [or the Antidote], which is altogether contrary to such liberty."  ["Ne quis fortè locum hunc detorqueat ad sectarum licentiam, adnotata venit auctoris sententia earundem libertati prorsus contraria," p. 69. edit. Rigalt.]

Licentia, in Latin, may signify the same thing as libertas; but, as it is generally used in a bad sense, it would have been expedient to repeat the word instead of varying it.  The varying of terms commonly [39] happens, when an author unintentionally puts the change on himself, or intentionally on his readers.

The Antidote prescribed by Pamelius is in these words: "It is fit that heretics be compelled to their duty, and not enticed; their obstinacy ought to be vanquished, not soothed;" ["ad officium haereticos compelli, non inlici dignum est; duritia vincenda est, non suadenda," p. 488.]

This expression appears harsh in language and sentiment.  But granting it to imply all that Pamelius imagines, it proves, at most, that "Tertullian contradicted himself."  Such a proposition cannot be found strange to any one who is so well acquainted with the works of that learned and capricious African, as to be able to write commentaries on them.

The words, taken in general, might also prove, that Tertullian, when heated [40] in controversy, spake a language different from that which he used in an address for the Christians at large to a Roman governor.

One might easily retort the observation of Pamelius thus: "Lest any one should chance to pervert this passage in Scorpiace, as if it meant to recommend intolerance, it is proper to take notice of an opinion of the author in the beginning of the treatise to Scapula, which is altogether contrary to such intolerance."

The truth is, that in the preface to Scorpiace, Tertullian speaks not of intolerance at all.  At that time, as is well known, the Christians of Africa were miserably divided on an important point, not of metaphysics, but of practice.  Some were of opinion, that persecution ought to be avoided; and perhaps they went [41] too far in the means which they used for the avoiding of it: Others again were of opinion, that it ought rather to be courted; and perhaps they too, in their honest zeal, went to the other extreme. The former were naturally led to depreciate martyrdom, or to employ expressions capable of being so interpreted.  The latter, while extolling martydom, grew lavish in the commendations of every martyr.

Tertullian espoused the opinions of the severer party, and undertook to confute its adversaries.  Full of confidence, probably brought by him from the bar into the church, he imagined that in every cause which he patronized, would be won.  Hence in the like triumphant style, he attacked the heresies of Marcion, and vindicated the extravagancies of Montanus and his followers.

Keeping this in view, we shall easily [42] perceive the meaning of the phrase, that "Heretics must be compelled to their duty," and of the other lofty expressions to which Pamelius alludes.  Tertullian made no doubt, that he should, by dint of argument, if a colloquial term may be used, subdue his antagonists, and lead them captives to  his system.

Indeed when the state of the Christian church in that age is considered, it seems unreasonable to suppose that Tertullian meant to speak of any thing else than the efficacy of his own arguments. The times had not yet arrived, when the Princes of the earth, by wholesome severites, "compelled heretics to their duty," and the State became an executioner for the Church.

P. 5. l. 7.

"Albinus."  An account of him, ascribed to Julius Capitolinus, is to be found in Hist. Aug. Script. Salmasius peremptorily ascribes it to Spartian; and Mr Gibbon [43] implicitly follows Salmasius, v. 1. p. 134. not. 17. "Spartianus," says he, "in his indigested collections, mixes up all the virtues and all the vices that enter into the human composition, and bestows them on the same object."

This criticism seems much too severe.  In the delineating of the manners of Albinus, the author, be he Julius Capitolinus, or be he Spartian, quotes the accounts given of him by Aelius Cordus, Marius Maximus, and by the Emperor Severus himself in his memoirs.  Those accounts are, no doubt, inconsistent; but what could an author do, who, living at a later period, had no knowledge of Albinus, other than what he learned from more early historians?  It is true, that he might have first formed an hypothesis, and then have selected whatever was favourable to the reputation of Albinus, or unfavourable, just as best suited his [44] purpose.  But this would have been to make history, not to write it.  Unacquainted with such refinements, the historian has set down every thing that he found related, either in praise or dispraise, of the unsuccessful usurper.

We moderns have one art, among others, which the ancients knew not: what we are unwilling to place in the text, we huddle into notes; and thus, without any disparagement to ourselves, we may either tell the same story in two different ways, or alternately assume a doubtful or a decisive tone.

Not meaning to be the historian of Albinus, I cannot stay to examine all the portraits which have been drawn of him.  [...more, to p.139....]