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They
say that Marcus Claudius, who was five times consul of the Romans, was
the son of Marcus; and that he was the first of his family called Marcellus; that is, martial, as Posidonius affirms. He was, indeed, by long
experience, skilful in the art of war, of a strong body, valiant
of hand, and by natural inclinations addicted to war. This high
temper and heat he showed conspicuously in battle; in other
respects he was modest and obliging, and so far studious of
Greek learning and discipline, as to honour and admire those that excelled in it, though he did not himself attain a proficiency in them equal
to his desire, by reason of his employments. For if ever there
were any men whom, as Homer says, Heaven
"From their first youth unto their utmost age
Appointed the laborious wars to wage," certainly they were the chief Romans of that time; who in their youth had war with the
Carthaginians in Sicily, in their middle age with the Gauls in
the defence of Italy itself; and at last, when now grown old,
struggled again with Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and wanted
in their latest years what is granted to most men, exemption
from military toils; their rank and their great qualities still
making them be called upon to undertake the command.
Marcellus, ignorant or unskillful of no kind of fighting, in
single combat surpassed himself; he never declined a challenge,
and never accepted without killing his challenger. In Sicily, he
protected and saved his brother Otacilius when surrounded in
battle, and slew the enemies that pressed upon him; for which
act he was by the generals, while he was yet but young, presented
with crowns and other honourable rewards; and, his good qualities more
and more displaying themselves, he was created Curule Aedile by the people
and by the high priests Augur; which is that priesthood to which chiefly
the law assigns the observation of auguries. In his Aedileship, a
certain mischance brought him to the necessity of bringing an impeachment into the senate. He had a son named Marcus, of great beauty, in the
flower of his age, and no less admired for the goodness of his
character. This youth, Capitolinus, a bold and ill-mannered man,
Marcellus's colleague, sought to abuse. The boy at first himself
repelled him; but when the other again persecuted him, told his
father. Marcellus, highly indignant, accused the man in the
senate: where he, having appealed to the tribunes of the people,
endeavoured by various shifts and exceptions to elude the impeachment; and, when the tribunes refused their protection, by flat denial
rejected the charge. As there was no witness of the fact, the
senate thought fit to call the youth himself before them: on
witnessing whose blushes and tears, and shame mixed with the
highest indignation, seeking no further evidence of the crime,
they condemned Capitolinus, and set a fine upon him; of the
money of which Marcellus caused silver vessels for libation to
be made, which he dedicated to the gods.
After the end of the first Punic war, which lasted
one-and-twenty years, the seed of Gallic tumults sprang up, and
began again to trouble Rome. The Insubrians, a people inhabiting
the subalpine region of Italy, strong in their own forces,
raised from among the other Gauls aids of mercenary soldiers,
called Gaesatae. And it was a sort of miracle, and special good fortune
for Rome, that the Gallic war was not coincident with the Punic, but
that the Gauls had with fidelity stood quiet as spectators, while the Punic war continued, as though they had been under engagement to
await and attack the victors, and now only were at liberty to
come forward. Still the position itself, and the ancient renown
of the Gauls, struck no little fear into the minds of the
Romans, who were about to undertake a war so near home and upon
their own borders; and regarded the Gauls, because they had once
taken their city, with more apprehension than any people, as is apparent
from the enactment which from that time forth provided, that the high
priests should enjoy an exemption from all military duty, except only in Gallic insurrections.
The great preparations, also, made by the Romans for war (for
it is not reported that the people of Rome ever had at one time
so many legions in arms, either before or since), and their
extraordinary sacrifices, were plain arguments of their fear.
For though they were most averse to barbarous and cruel rites,
and entertained more than any nation the same pious and reverent
sentiments of the gods with the Greeks; yet, when this war was coming
upon them, they then, from some prophecies in the Sibyls' books, put
alive underground a pair of Greeks, one male, the other female; and likewise
two Gauls, one of each sex, in the market called the beast market: continuing
even to this day to offer to these Greeks and Gauls certain ceremonial
observances in the month of November.
In the beginning of this war, in which the Romans sometimes
obtained remarkable victories, sometimes were shamefully beaten,
nothing was done toward the determination of the contest until
Flaminius and Furius, being consuls, led large forces against
the Insubrians. At the time of their departure, the river that
runs through the country of Picenum was seen flowing with blood;
there was a report that three moons had once been seen at
Ariminum; and, in the consular assembly, the augurs declared that the consuls had been unduly and inauspiciously created. The senate,
therefore, immediately sent letters to the camp, recalling the
consuls to Rome with all possible speed, and commanding them to
forbear from acting against the enemies, and to abdicate the
consulship on the first opportunity. These letters being brought
to Flaminius, he deferred to open them till, having defeated and
put to flight the enemy's forces, he wasted and ravaged their borders.
The people, therefore, did not go forth to meet him when he returned with huge spoils; nay, because he had not instantly obeyed the
command in the letters, by which he was recalled, but slighted
and contemned them, they were very near denying him the honour
of a triumph. Nor was the triumph sooner passed than they
deposed him, with his colleague, from the magistracy, and
reduced them to the state of private citizens. So much were all things at Rome made to depend upon religion; they would not allow any
contempt of the omens and the ancient rites, even though
attended with the highest success: thinking it to be of more
importance to the public safety that the magistrates should
reverence the gods, than that they should overcome their
enemies. Thus Tiberius Sempronius, whom for his probity and virtue the
citizens highly esteemed, created Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius consuls to succeed him; and when they were gone into their provinces, lit
upon books concerning the religious observances, where he found
something he had not known before; which was this. When the
consul took his auspices, he sat without the city in a house,
or tent, hired for that occasion; but, if it happened that he,
for any urgent cause, returned into the city, without having
yet seen any certain signs, he was obliged to leave that first building, or tent, and to seek another to repeat the survey from. Tiberius,
it appears, in ignorance of this, had twice used the same
building before announcing the new consuls. Now, understanding
his error, he referred the matter to the senate: nor did the
senate neglect this minute fault, but soon wrote expressly of
it to Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius; who, leaving their provinces
and without delay returning to Rome, laid down their magistracy. This
happened at a later period. About the same time, too, the priesthood was taken away from two men of very great honour, Cornelius
Cethegus and Quintus Sulpicius: from the former, because he had
not rightly held out the entrails of a beast slain for
sacrifice; from the latter, because, while he was immolating,
the tufted cap which the Flamens wear had fallen from his head.
Minucius, the dictator, who had already named Caius Flaminius master
of the horse, they deposed from his command, because the squeak of
a mouse was heard, and put others into their places. And yet, notwithstanding, by observing so anxiously these little niceties they did not run
into any superstition, because they never varied from nor
exceeded the observances of their ancestors.
So soon as Flaminius with his colleague had resigned the
consulate, Marcellus was declared consul by the presiding
officers called Interrexes; and, entering into the magistracy,
chose Cnaeus Cornelius his colleague. There was a report that,
the Gauls proposing a pacification, and the senate also
inclining to peace, Marcellus inflamed the people to war; but a peace appears to have been agreed upon, which the Gaesatae broke; who,
passing the Alps, stirred up the Insubrians (they being thirty
thousand in number, and the Insubrians more numerous by far);
and proud of their strength, marched directly to Acerrae, a
city seated on the north of the river Po. From thence
Britomartus, king of the Gaesatae, taking with him ten thousand soldiers,
harassed the country round about. News of which being brought to
Marcellus, leaving his colleague at Acerrae with the foot and all the heavy arms and a third part of the horse, and carrying with him
the rest of the horse and six hundred light-armed foot,
marching night and day without remission, he stayed not till he
came up to these ten thousand near a Gaulish village called
Clastidium, which not long before had been reduced under the
Roman jurisdiction. Nor had he time to refresh his soldiers or to give them rest. For the barbarians, that were then present, immediately
observed his approach, and contemned him, because he had very
few foot with him. The Gauls were singularly skilful in
horsemanship, and thought to excel in it; and as at present
they also exceeded Marcellus in number, they made no account of
him. They, therefore, with their king at their head, instantly charged
upon him, as if they would trample him under their horses' feet, threatening
all kinds of cruelties. Marcellus, because his men were few, that
they might not be encompassed and charged on all sides by the enemy, extended his wings of horse, and, riding about, drew out his wings
of foot in length, till he came near to the enemy. Just as he
was in the act of turning round to face the enemy, it so
happened that his horse, startled with their fierce look and
their cries, gave back, and carried him forcibly aside. Fearing
lest this accident, if converted into an omen, might discourage his
soldiers, he quickly brought his horse round to confront the enemy, and made a gesture of adoration to the sun, as if he had wheeled
about not by chance, but for a purpose of devotion. For it was
customary to the Romans, when they offered worship to the gods,
to turn round; and in this moment of meeting the enemy, he is
said to have vowed the best of the arms to Jupiter Feretrius.
The king of the Gauls beholding Marcellus, and from the
badges of his authority conjecturing him to be the general,
advanced some way before his embattled army, and with a loud
voice challenged him, and, brandishing his lance, fiercely ran
in full career at him; exceeding the rest of the Gauls in
stature, and with his armour, that was adorned with gold and silver and various colours, shining like lightning. These arms seeming to
Marcellus, while he viewed the enemy's army drawn up in
battalia, to be the best and fairest, and thinking them to be
those he had vowed to Jupiter, he instantly ran upon the king,
and pierced through his breastplate with his lance; then
pressing upon him with the weight of his horse, threw him to the ground, and with two or three strokes more slew him. Immediately he leapt
from his horse, laid his hand upon the dead king's arm and,
looking up towards Heaven, thus spoke: "O Jupiter
Feretrius, arbiter of the exploits of captains, and of the acts
of commanders in war and battles, be thou witness that I, a
general, have slain a general: I, a consul, have slain a king with my
own hand, third of all the Romans; and that to thee I consecrate these first and most excellent of the spoils. Grant to us to despatch
the relics of the war with the same course of fortune."
Then the Roman horse joining battle not only with the enemy's
horse, but also with the foot who attacked them, obtained a
singular and unheard-of victory. For never before or since have
so few horse defeated such numerous forces of horse and foot together. The enemies being to a great number slain, and the spoils
collected, he returned to his colleague, who was conducting the
war, with ill-success, against the enemies near the greatest
and most populous of the Gallic cities, Milan. This was their
capital, and, therefore, fighting valiantly in defence of it,
they were not so much besieged by Cornelius, as they besieged him. But
Marcellus having returned, and the Gaesatae retiring as soon as they were certified of the death of the king and the defeat of his
army, Milan was taken. The rest of their towns, and all they
had, the Gauls delivered up of their own accord to the Romans,
and had peace upon equitable conditions granted to them.
Marcellus alone, by a decree of the senate, triumphed. The
triumph was in magnificence, opulence, spoils, and the gigantic
bodies of the captives most remarkable. But the most grateful
and most rare spectacle of all was the general himself,
carrying the arms of the barbarian king to the god to whom he
had vowed them. He had taken a tall and straight stock of an oak,
and had lopped and formed it to a trophy. Upon this he fastened and hung about the arms of the king, arranging all the pieces in their
suitable places. The procession advancing solemnly, he,
carrying this trophy, ascended the chariot; and thus, himself
the fairest and most glorious triumphant image, was conveyed
into the city. The army adorned with shining armour followed in
order, and with verses composed for the occasion, and with songs
of victory celebrated the praises of Jupiter and of their general. Then
entering the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he dedicated his gift; the third, and to our memory the last, that ever did so. The first was
Romulus, after having slain Acron, king of the Caeninenses: the
second, Cornelius Cossus, who slew Tolumnius the Etruscan:
after them Marcellus, having killed Britomartus, king of the
Gauls; after Marcellus, no man. The god to whom these spoils
were consecrated is called Jupiter Feretrius, from the trophy carried
on the feretrum, one of the Greek words which at that time still existed
in great numbers in Latin: or, as others say, it is the surname of
the Thundering Jupiter derived from ferire, to strike. Others there are who would have the name to be deduced from the strokes that
are given in fight; since even now in battles, when they press
upon their enemies, they constantly call out to each other,
strike, in Latin feri. Spoils in general they call Spolia, and
these in particular Opima; though, indeed, they say that Numa
Pompilius, in his commentaries, makes mention of first, second,
and third Spolia Opima; and that he prescribes that the first taken be consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius, the second to Mars, the third
to Quirinus; as also that the reward of the first be three
hundred asses; of the second, two hundred; of the third, one
hundred. The general account, however, prevails, that those
spoils only are Opima which the general first takes in set battle, and
takes from the enemy's chief captain whom he has slain with his own hand. But of this enough. The victory and the ending of the war
was so welcome to the people of Rome, that they sent to Apollo
of Delphi, in testimony of their gratitude, a present of a
golden cup of an hundred pound weight, and gave a great part of
the spoil to their associate cities, and took care that many
presents should be sent also to Hiero, King of the Syracusans, their
friend and ally.
When Hannibal invaded Italy, Marcellus was despatched with a
fleet to Sicily. And when the army had been defeated at Cannae,
and many thousands of them perished, and a few had saved
themselves by flying to Canusium, and all feared lest Hannibal,
who had destroyed the strength of the Roman army, should
advance at once with his victorious troops to Rome, Marcellus first
sent for the protection of the city fifteen hundred soldiers from the
fleet. Then, by decree of the senate, going to Canusium, having heard that many of the soldiers had come together in that place, he led
them out of the fortifications to prevent the enemy from
ravaging the country. The chief Roman commanders had most of
them fallen in battles; and the citizens complained that the
extreme caution of Fabius Maximus, whose integrity and wisdom
gave him the highest authority, verged upon timidity and inaction. They
confided in him to keep them out of danger, but could not expect that he would enable them to retaliate. Fixing, therefore, their
thoughts upon Marcellus, and hoping to combine his boldness,
confidence, and promptitude with Fabius's caution and prudence,
and to temper the one by the other, they sent, sometimes both
with consular command, sometimes one as consul, the other as
proconsul, against the enemy. Posidonius writes, that Fabius was
called the buckler, Marcellus the sword of Rome. Certainly, Hannibal himself confessed that he feared Fabius as a schoolmaster,
Marcellus as an adversary: the former, lest he should be
hindered from doing mischief; the latter, lest he should
receive harm himself.
And first, when among Hannibal's soldiers, proud of their
victory, carelessness and boldness had grown to a great height,
Marcellus, attacking all their stragglers and plundering
parties, cut them off, and by little and little diminished
their forces. Then carrying aid to the Neopolitans and Nolans,
he confirmed the minds of the former, who, indeed, were of their
own accord faithful enough to the Romans; but in Nola he found a state
of discord, the senate not being able to rule and keep in the common people, who were generally favourers of Hannibal. There was in the
town one Bantius, a man renowned for his high birth and
courage. This man, after he had fought most fiercely at Cannae,
and had killed many of the enemies, at last was found lying in
a heap of dead bodies, covered with darts, and was brought to
Hannibal, who so honoured him, that he not only dismissed him
without ransom, but also contracted friendship with him, and made him his guest. In gratitude for this great favour, he became one of
the strongest partisans of Hannibal, and urged the people to
revolt. Marcellus could not be induced to put to death a man of
such eminence, and who had endured such dangers in fighting on
the Roman side; but, knowing himself able, by the general
kindliness of his disposition, and in particular by the attractiveness
of his address, to gain over a character whose passion was for
honour, one day when Bantius saluted him, he asked him who he was; not
that he knew him not before, but seeking an occasion of further conference. When Bantius had told who he was, Marcellus, seeming surprised
with joy and wonder, replied: "Are you that Bantius whom
the Romans commend above the rest that fought at Cannae, and
praise as the one man that not only did not forsake the consul
Paulus Aemilius, but received in his own body many darts thrown
at him?" Bantius owning himself to be that very man, and
showing his scars: "Why, then," said Marcellus, "did not you,
having such proofs to show of your affection to us, come to me
at my first arrival here? Do you think that we are unwilling to
requite with favour those who have well deserved, and who are honoured
even by our enemies?" He followed up his courtesies by a
present of a war-horse and five hundred drachmas in money. From
that time Bantius became the most faithful assistant and ally
of Marcellus, and a most keen discoverer of those that attempted innovation and sedition.
These were many, and had entered into a conspiracy to plunder
the baggage of the Romans, when they should make an irruption
against the enemy. Marcellus, therefore, having marshalled his
army within the city, placed the baggage near to the gates,
and, by an edict, forbade the Nolans to go to the walls. Thus,
outside the city, no arms could be seen; by which prudent
device he allured Hannibal to move with his army in some disorder to
the city, thinking that things were in a tumult there. Then Marcellus, the nearest gate being, as he had commanded, thrown open, issuing
forth with the flower of his horse in front, charged the enemy.
By and by the foot, sallying out of another gate, with a loud
shout joined in the battle. And while Hannibal opposes part of
his forces to these, the third gate also is opened, out of
which the rest break forth, and on all quarters fall upon the
enemies, who were dismayed at this unexpected encounter, and
did but feebly resist those with whom they had been first engaged, because
of their attack by these others who sallied out later. Here Hannibal's soldiers, with much bloodshed and many wounds, were beaten back to
their camp, and for the first time turned their backs to the
Romans. There fell in this action, as it is related, more than
five thousand of them; of the Romans, not above five hundred.
Livy does not affirm that either the victory or the slaughter
of the enemy was so great; but certain it is that the adventure
brought great glory to Marcellus, and to the Romans, after their calamities,
a great revival of confidence, as they began now to entertain a
hope that the enemy with whom they contended was not invincible, but liable like themselves to defeats.
Therefore, the other consul being deceased, the people
recalled Marcellus, that they might put him into his place;
and, in spite of the magistrates, succeeded in postponing the
election till his arrival, when he was by all the suffrages
created consul. But because it happened to thunder, the augurs
accounting that he was not legitimately created, and yet not
daring, for fear of the people, to declare their sentence openly, Marcellus
voluntarily resigned the consulate, retaining however his command. Being
created proconsul, and returning to the camp at Nola, he proceeded to
harass those that followed the party of the Carthaginians; on whose coming with speed to succour them, Marcellus declined a challenge
to a set battle, but when Hannibal had sent out a party to
plunder, and now expected no fight, he broke out upon him with
his army. He had distributed to the foot long lances, such as
are commonly used in naval fights; and instructed them to throw
them with great force at convenient distances against the
enemies, who were inexperienced in that way of darting, and used
to fight with short darts hand to hand. This seems to have been the cause of the total rout and open flight of all the Carthaginians
who were then engaged; there fell of them five thousand; four
elephants were killed, and two taken; but what was of the
greatest moment, on the third day after, more than three
hundred horse, Spaniards and Numidians mixed, deserted to him,
a disaster that had never to that day happened to Hannibal, who had
kept together in harmony an army of barbarians, collected out of many various and discordant nations. Marcellus and his successors in
all this war made good use of the faithful service of these
horsemen.
He now was a third time created consul, and sailed over into
Sicily. For the success of Hannibal had excited the
Carthaginians to lay claim to that whole island; chiefly
because, after the murder of the tyrant Hieronymus, all things
had been in tumult and confusion at Syracuse. For which reason the
Romans also had sent before to that city a force under the conduct of
Appius, as praetor. While Marcellus was receiving that army, a number of Roman soldiers cast themselves at his feet, upon occasion of
the following calamity. Of those that survived the battle at Cannae,
some had escaped by flight, and some were taken alive by the
enemy; so great a multitude, that it was thought there were not
remaining Romans enough to defend the wall of the city. And yet
the magnanimity and constancy of the city was such, that it would
not redeem the captives from Hannibal, though it might have
done so for a small ransom; a decree of the senate forbade it, and chose
rather to leave them to be killed by the enemy, or sold out of Italy; and commanded that all who had saved themselves by flight should
be transported into Sicily, and not permitted to return into
Italy, until the war with Hannibal should be ended. These,
therefore, when Marcellus was arrived in Sicily, addressed
themselves to him in great numbers; and casting themselves at
his feet, with much lamentation and tears humbly besought him to admit them to honourable service; and promised to make it appear by
their future fidelity and exertions that that defeat had been
received rather by misfortune than by cowardice. Marcellus,
pitying them, petitioned the senate by letters, that he might
have leave at all times to recruit his legions out of them. After
much debate about the thing, the senate decreed they were of opinion that the commonwealth did not require the service of cowardly
soldiers; if Marcellus perhaps thought otherwise, he might make
use of them, provided no one of them be honoured on any
occasion with a crown or military gift, as a reward of his
virtue or courage. This decree stung Marcellus; and on his
return to Rome, after the Sicilian war was ended, he upbraided the senate
that they had denied to him, who had so highly deserved of the republic, liberty to relieve so great a number of citizens in great calamity.
At this time Marcellus, first incensed by injuries done him
by Hippocrates, commander of the Syracusans (who, to give proof
of his good affection to the Carthaginians, and to acquire the
tyranny to himself, had killed a number of Romans at Leontini),
besieged and took by force the city of Leontini; yet violated
none of the townsmen; only deserters, as many as he took, he
subjected to the punishment of the rods and axe. But
Hippocrates, sending a report to Syracuse, that Marcellus had put all the adult population to the sword, and then coming upon the
Syracusans, who had risen in tumult upon that false report,
made himself master of the city. Upon this Marcellus moved with
his whole army to Syracuse, and encamping near the wall, sent
ambassadors into the city to relate to the Syracusans the truth
of what had been done in Leontini. When these could not prevail
by treaty, the whole power being now in the hands of Hippocrates, he
proceeded to attack the city both by land and by sea. The land forces were conducted by Appius: Marcellus, with sixty galleys, each with
five rows of oars, furnished with all sorts of arms and
missiles, and a huge bridge of planks laid upon eight ships
chained together, upon which was carried the engine to cast
stones and darts, assaulted the walls, relying on the abundance
and magnificence of his preparations, and on his own previous glory;
all which, however, were, it would seem, but trifles for Archimedes and his machines.
These machines he had designed and contrived, not as matters
of any importance, but as mere amusements in geometry; in
compliance with King Hiero's desire and request, some little
time before, that he should reduce to practice some part of his
admirable speculation in science, and by accommodating the
theoretic truth to sensation and ordinary use, bring it more
within the appreciation of the people in general. Eudoxus and Archytas had been the first originators of this far-famed and highly-prized
art of mechanics, which they employed as an elegant
illustration of geometrical truths, and as means of sustaining
experimentally, to the satisfaction of the senses, conclusions
too intricate for proof by words and diagrams. As, for example,
to solve the problem, so often required in constructing geometrical
figures, given the two extremes, to find the two mean lines of
a proportion, both these mathematicians had recourse to the aid of instruments,
adapting to their purpose certain curves and sections of lines.
But what with Plato's indignation at it, and his invectives
against it as the mere corruption and annihilation of the one
good of geometry, which was thus shamefully turning its back
upon the unembodied objects of pure intelligence to recur to
sensation, and to ask help (not to be obtained without base supervisions
and depravation) from matter; so it was that mechanics came to
be separated from geometry, and, repudiated and neglected by philosophers, took its place as a military art. Archimedes, however, in writing
to King Hiero, whose friend and near relation he was, had
stated that given the force, any given weight might be moved,
and even boasted, we are told, relying on the strength of
demonstration, that if there were another earth, by going into
it he could remove this. Hiero being struck with amazement at
this, and entreating him to make good this problem by actual experiment, and show some great weight moved by a small engine, he fixed
accordingly upon a ship of burden out of the king's arsenal,
which could not be drawn out of the dock without great labour
and many men; and, loading her with many passengers and a full
freight, sitting himself the while far off, with no great
endeavour, but only holding the head of the pulley in his hand
and drawing the cords by degrees, he drew the ship in a straight line, as smoothly and evenly as if she had been in the sea. The king,
astonished at this, and convinced of the power of the art,
prevailed upon Archimedes to make him engines accommodated to
all the purposes, offensive and defensive, of a siege. These
the king himself never made use of, because he spent almost all
his life in a profound quiet and the highest affluence. But the
apparatus was, in most opportune time, ready at hand for the Syracusans, and with it also the engineer himself.
When, therefore, the Romans assaulted the walls in two places
at once, fear and consternation stupefied the Syracusans,
believing that nothing was able to resist that violence and
those forces. But when Archimedes began to ply his engines, he
at once shot against the land forces all sorts of missile
weapons, and immense masses of stone that came down with incredible noise and violence; against which no man could stand; for they
knocked down those upon whom they fell in heaps, breaking all
their ranks and files. In the meantime huge poles thrust out
from the walls over the ships sunk some by the great weights
which they let down from on high upon them; others they lifted
up into the air by an iron hand or beak like a crane's beak and,
when they had drawn them up by the prow, and set them on end upon the
poop, they plunged them to the bottom of the sea; or else the ships, drawn by engines within, and whirled about, were dashed against
steep rocks that stood jutting out under the walls, with great
destruction of the soldiers that were aboard them. A ship was
frequently lifted up to a great height in the air (a dreadful
thing to behold), and was rolled to and fro, and kept swinging,
until the mariners were all thrown out, when at length it was
dashed against the rocks, or let fall. At the engine that Marcellus brought upon the bridge of ships, which was called Sambuca, from
some resemblance it had to an instrument of music, while it was
as yet approaching the wall, there was discharged a piece of
rock of ten talents weight, then a second and a third, which,
striking upon it with immense force and a noise like thunder,
broke all its foundation to pieces, shook out all its fastenings, and
completely dislodged it from the bridge. So Marcellus, doubtful what counsel to pursue, drew off his ships to a safer distance, and
sounded a retreat to his forces on land. They then took a
resolution of coming up under the walls, if it were possible,
in the night; thinking that as Archimedes used ropes stretched
at length in playing his engines, the soldiers would now be
under the shot, and the darts would, for want of sufficient distance
to throw them, fly over their heads without effect. But he, it appeared,
had long before framed for such occasions engines accommodated to
any distance, and shorter weapons; and had made numerous small openings in the walls, through which, with engines of a shorter range,
unexpected blows were inflicted on the assailants. Thus, when
they who thought to deceive the defenders came close up to the
walls, instantly a shower of darts and other missile weapons
was again cast upon them. And when stones came tumbling down
perpendicularly upon their heads, and, as it were, the whole
wall shot out arrows at them, they retired. And now, again, as they were going off, arrows and darts of a longer range inflicted a
great slaughter among them, and their ships were driven one
against another; while they themselves were not able to
retaliate in any way. For Archimedes had provided and fixed
most of his engines immediately under the wall; whence the Romans, seeing
that indefinite mischief overwhelmed them from no visible means, began
to think they were fighting with the gods.
Yet Marcellus escaped unhurt, and deriding his own artificers
and engineers, "What," said he, "must we give up
fighting with this geometrical Briareus, who plays
pitch-and-toss with our ships, and, with the multitude of darts
which he showers at a single moment upon us, really outdoes the hundred-handed
giants of mythology?" And, doubtless, the rest of the Syracusans were but the body of Archimedes's designs, one soul moving and
governing all; for, laying aside all other arms, with this
alone they infested the Romans and protected themselves. In
fine, when such terror had seized upon the Romans, that, if
they did but see a little rope or a piece of wood from the
wall, instantly crying out, that there it was again, Archimedes was
about to let fly some engine at them, they turned their backs and fled, Marcellus desisted from conflicts and assaults, putting all his hope
in a long siege. Yet Archimedes possessed so high a spirit, so
profound a soul, and such treasures of scientific knowledge,
that though these inventions had now obtained him the renown of
more than human sagacity, he yet would not deign to leave
behind him any commentary or writing on such subjects; but,
repudiating as sordid and ignoble the whole trade of engineering, and
every sort of art that lends itself to mere use and profit, he placed his whole affection and ambition in those purer speculations where
there can be no reference to the vulgar needs of life; studies,
the superiority of which to all others is unquestioned, and in
which the only doubt can be whether the beauty and grandeur of
the subjects examined, of the precision and cogency of the methods
and means of proof, most deserve our admiration. It is not
possible to find in all geometry more difficult and intricate questions,
or more simple and lucid explanations. Some ascribe this to his
natural genius; while others think that incredible effort and toil produced
these, to all appearances, easy and unlaboured results. No amount of
investigation of yours would succeed in attaining the proof, and yet, once seen, you immediately believe you would have discovered it;
by so smooth and so rapid a path he leads you to the conclusion
required. And thus it ceases to be incredible that (as is
commonly told of him) the charm of his familiar and domestic
Siren made him forget his food and neglect his person, to that
degree that when he was occasionally carried by absolute violence
to bathe or have his body anointed, he used to trace geometrical figures
in the ashes of the fire, and diagrams in the oil on his body, being
in a state of entire preoccupation, and, in the truest sense, divine possession with his love and delight in science. His discoveries
were numerous and admirable; but he is said to have requested
his friends and relations that, when he was dead, they would
place over his tomb a sphere containing a cylinder, inscribing
it with the ratio which the containing solid bears to the
contained.
Such was Archimedes, who now showed himself, and so far as
lay in him the city also, invincible. While the siege
continued, Marcellus took Megara, one of the earliest founded
of the Greek cities in Sicily, and capturing also the camp of
Hippocrates at Acilae, killed above eight thousand men, having
attacked them whilst they were engaged in forming their
fortifications. He overran a great part of Sicily; gained over many towns from the Carthaginians, and overcame all that dared to
encounter him. As the siege went on, one Damippus, a
Lacedaemonian, putting to sea in a ship from Syracuse, was
taken. When the Syracusans much desired to redeem this man, and
there were many meetings and treaties about the matter betwixt
them and Marcellus, he had opportunity to notice a tower into which a body of men might be secretly introduced, as the wall near to it
was not difficult to surmount, and it was itself carelessly
guarded. Coming often thither, and entertaining conferences
about the release of Damippus, he had pretty well calculated
the height of the tower, and got ladders prepared. The
Syracusans celebrated a feast to Diana; this juncture of time,
when they were given up entirely to wine and sport, Marcellus laid hold
of, and before the citizens perceived it, not only possessed himself of the tower, but, before the break of day, filled the wall around
with soldiers, and made his way into the Hexapylum. The
Syracusans now beginning to stir, and to be alarmed at the
tumult, he ordered the trumpets everywhere to sound, and thus
frightened them all into flight, as if all parts of the city
were already won, though the most fortified, and the fairest, and
most ample quarter was still ungained. It is called Acradina, and was divided by a wall from the outer city, one part of which they call
Neapolis, the other Tycha. Possessing himself of these,
Marcellus, about break of day, entered through the Hexapylum,
all his officers congratulating him. But looking down from the
higher places upon the beautiful and spacious city below, he is
said to have wept much, commiserating the calamity that hung
over it, when his thoughts represented to him how dismal and foul the
face of the city would be in a few hours, when plundered and sacked by the soldiers. For among the officers of his army there was not
one man that durst deny the plunder of the city to the
soldiers' demands; nay, many were instant that it should be set
on fire and laid level to the ground: but this Marcellus would
not listen to. Yet he granted, but with great unwillingness and
reluctance, that the money and slaves should be made prey;
giving orders, at the same time, that none should violate any free person,
nor kill, misuse, or make a slave of any of the Syracusans. Though he
had used this moderation, he still esteemed the condition of that city to be pitiable, and, even amidst the congratulations and joy,
showed his strong feelings of sympathy and commiseration at
seeing all the riches accumulated during a long felicity now
dissipated in an hour. For it is related that no less prey and
plunder was taken here than afterward in Carthage. For not long
after they obtained also the plunder of the other parts of the
city, which were taken by treachery; leaving nothing untouched but
the king's money, which was brought into the public treasury. But nothing afflicted Marcellus so much as the death of Archimedes, who was
then, as fate would have it, intent upon working out some
problem by a diagram, and having fixed his mind alike and his
eyes upon the subject of his speculation, he never noticed the
incursion of the Romans, nor that the city was taken. In this
transport of study and contemplation, a soldier, unexpectedly coming up to him, commanded him to follow to Marcellus; which he
declining to do before he had worked out his problem to a
demonstration, the soldier, enraged, drew his sword and ran him
through. Others write that a Roman soldier, running upon him
with a drawn sword, offered to kill him; and that Archimedes,
looking back, earnestly besought him to hold his hand a little
while, that he might not leave what he was then at work upon inconclusive and imperfect; but the soldier, nothing moved by his entreaty,
instantly killed him. Others again relate that, as Archimedes
was carrying to Marcellus mathematical instruments, dials,
spheres, and angles, by which the magnitude of the sun might be
measured to the sight, some soldiers seeing him, and thinking
that he carried gold in a vessel, slew him. Certain it is that his
death was very afflicting to Marcellus; and that Marcellus ever after regarded him that killed him as a murderer; and that he sought for
his kindred and honoured them with signal favours.
Indeed, foreign nations had held the Romans to be excellent
soldiers and formidable in battle; but they had hitherto given
no memorable example of gentleness, or humanity, or civil
virtue; and Marcellus seems first to have shown to the Greeks
that his countrymen were most illustrious for their justice.
For such was his moderation to all with whom he had anything to
do, and such his benignity also to many cities and private men, that, if anything hard or severe was decreed concerning the people of
Enna, Megara, or Syracuse, the blame was thought to belong
rather to those upon whom the storm fell, than to those who
brought it upon them. One example of many I will commemorate.
In Sicily there is a town called Engyum, not indeed great, but
very ancient and ennobled by the presence of the goddesses, called
the Mothers. The temple, they say, was built by the Cretans; and they
show some spears and brazen helmets, inscribed with the names of Meriones, and (with the same spelling as in Latin) of Ulysses, who
consecrated them to the goddesses. This city highly favouring
the party of the Carthaginians, Nicias, the most eminent of the
citizens, counselled them to go over to the Romans; to that end
acting freely and openly in harangues to their assemblies,
arguing the imprudence and madness of the opposite course. They,
fearing his power and authority, resolved to deliver him in bonds to
the Carthaginians. Nicias, detecting the design, and seeing that his person was secretly kept in watch, proceeded to speak
irreligiously to the vulgar of the Mothers, and showed many signs
of disrespect, as if he denied and contemned the received
opinion of the presence of those goddesses; his enemies the
while rejoicing that he, of his own accord, sought the destruction
hanging over his head. When they were just now about to lay hands
upon him, an assembly was held, and here Nicias, making a speech to
the people concerning some affair then under deliberation, in the midst of his address, cast himself upon the ground; and soon after,
while amazement (as usually happens on such surprising
occasions) held the assembly immovable, raising and turning his
head round, he began in a trembling and deep tone, but by
degrees raised and sharpened his voice. When he saw the whole theatre struck with horror and silence, throwing off his mantle and rending
his tunic he leaps up half naked, and runs towards the door,
crying out aloud that he was driven by the wrath of the
Mothers. When no man durst, out of religious fear, lay hands
upon him or stop him, but all gave way before him, he ran out
of the gate, not omitting any shriek or gesture of men possessed
and mad. His wife, conscious of his counterfeiting, and privy to
his design, taking her children with her, first cast herself as a suppliant before the temple of the goddesses; then, pretending to seek her
wandering husband, no man hindering her, went out of the town
in safety; and by this means they all escaped to Marcellus at
Syracuse. After many other such affronts offered him by the men
of Engyum, Marcellus, having taken them all prisoners and cast them
into bonds, was preparing to inflict upon them the last
punishment; when Nicias, with tears in his eyes, addressed himself to
him. In fine, casting himself at Marcellus's feet, and deprecating for his citizens, he begged most earnestly their lives, chiefly those
of his enemies. Marcellus, relenting, set them all at liberty,
and rewarded Nicias with ample lands and rich presents. This
history is recorded by Posidonius the philosopher.
Marcellus, at length recalled by the people of Rome to the
immediate war at home, to illustrate his triumph, and adorn the
city, carried away with him a great number of the most
beautiful ornaments of Syracuse. For, before that, Rome neither
had, nor had seen, any of those fine and exquisite rarities; nor
was any pleasure taken in graceful and elegant pieces of workmanship.
Stuffed with barbarous arms and spoils stained with blood, and
everywhere crowned with triumphal memorials and trophies, she was no pleasant or delightful spectacle for the eyes of peaceful or
refined spectators; but, as Epaminondas named the fields of
Boeotia the stage of Mars; and Xenophon called Ephesus the
workhouse of war; so, in my judgment, may you call Rome, at
that time (to use the words of Pindar), "the precinct of the
peaceless Mars." Whence Marcellus was more popular with the people in general, because he had adorned the city with beautiful objects
that had all the charms of Grecian grace and symmetry; but
Fabius Maximus, who neither touched nor brought away anything
of this kind from Tarentum, when he had taken it, was more
approved of by the elder men. He carried off the money and
valuables, but forbade the statues to be moved; adding, as it
is commonly related, "Let us leave to the Tarentines these offended gods." They blamed Marcellus, first for placing the city in
an invidious position, as it seemed now to celebrate victories
and lead processions of triumph, not only over men, but also
over the gods as captives; then, that he had diverted to
idleness, and vain talk about curious arts and artificers, the
common people, which, bred up in wars and agriculture, had
never tasted of luxury and sloth, and, as Euripides said of Hercules, had been -
"Rude, unrefined, only for great things good," so
that now they misspent much of their time in examining and
criticizing trifles. And yet, notwithstanding this reprimand,
Marcellus made it his glory to the Greeks themselves, that he
had taught his ignorant countrymen to esteem and admire the
elegant and wonderful productions of Greece.
But when the envious opposed his being brought triumphant
into the city, because there were some relics of the war in
Sicily, and a third triumph would be looked upon with jealousy,
he gave way. He triumphed upon the Alban mount, and thence
entered the city in ovation, as it is called in Latin, in Greek
eua; but in this ovation he was neither carried in a chariot,
nor crowned with laurel, nor ushered by trumpets sounding; but went
afoot with shoes on, many flutes or pipes sounding in concert, while he passed along, wearing a garland of myrtle, in a peaceable
aspect, exciting rather love and respect than fear. Whence I
am, by conjecture, led to think that, originally, the
difference observed betwixt ovation and triumph did not depend
upon the greatness of the achievements, but the manner of performing them. For they who, having fought a set battle, and slain the
enemy, returned victors, led that martial, terrible triumph,
and, as the ordinary custom then was in lustrating the army,
adorned the arms and the soldiers with a great deal of laurel.
But they who without force, by colloquy, persuasion, and
reasoning, had done the business, to these captains custom gave the honour of the unmilitary and festive ovation. For the pipe is the
badge of peace, and myrtle the plant of Venus, who more than
the rest of the gods and goddesses abhors force and war. It is
called ovation, not as most think, from the Greek euasmus,
because they act it with shouting and cries of Eua: for so do
they also the proper triumphs. The Greeks have wrested the word
to their own language, thinking that this honour, also, must have some
connection with Bacchus, who in Greek has the titles of Euius and Thriambus.
But the thing is otherwise. For it was the custom for commanders, in
their triumph, to immolate an ox, but in their ovation, a sheep: hence they named it Ovation, from the Latin ovis. It is worth observing,
how exactly opposite the sacrifices appointed by the Spartan
legislator are to those of the Romans. For at Lacedaemon, a
captain, who had performed the work he had undertook by
cunning, or courteous treaty, on laying down his command,
immolated an ox; he that did the business by battle, offered a
cock; the Lacedaemonians, though most warlike, thinking exploit performed by reason and wisdom to be more excellent and more congruous to
man, than one effected by mere force and courage. Which of the
two is to be preferred I leave to the determination of others.
Marcellus being the fourth time consul, his enemies suborned
the Syracusans to come to Rome to accuse him, and to complain
that they had suffered indignities and wrongs, contrary to the
conditions granted them. It happened that Marcellus was in the
capitol offering sacrifice when the Syracusans petitioned the
senate, yet sitting, that they might have leave to accuse him
and present their grievances. Marcellus's colleague, eager to
protect him in his absence, put them out of the court. But Marcellus himself came as soon as he heard of it. And first, in his curule
chair as consul, he referred to the senate the cognizance of
other matters: but when these were transacted, rising from his
seat, he passed as a private man into the place where the
accused were wont to make their defence, and gave free liberty
to the Syracusans to impeach him. But they, struck with consternation
by his majesty and confidence, stood astonished; and the power
of his presence now, in his robe of state, appeared far more terrible and severe than it had done when he was arrayed in armour. Yet,
reanimated at length by Marcellus's rivals, they began their
impeachment, and made an oration in which pleas of justice
mingled with lamentation and complaint; the sum of which was,
that being allies and friends of the people of Rome, they had,
notwithstanding, suffered things which other commanders had abstained from inflicting upon enemies. To this Marcellus answered that they
had committed many acts of hostility against the people of
Rome, and had suffered nothing but what enemies conquered and
captured in war cannot possibly be protected from suffering:
that it was their own fault they had been made captives,
because they refused to give ear to his frequent attempts to
persuade them by gentle means: neither were they forced into war by the power of tyrants, but had rather chosen the tyrants themselves
for the express object that they might make war. The orations
ended, and the Syracusans, according to the custom, having
retired, Marcellus left his colleague to ask the sentences,
and, withdrawing with the Syracusans, stayed expecting at the
doors of the senate-house; not in the least discomposed in
spirit, either with alarm at the accusation, or by anger against the Syracusans; but with perfect calmness and serenity attending the
issue of the cause. The sentences at length being all asked,
and a decree of the senate made in vindication of Marcellus,
the Syracusans, with tears flowing from their eyes, cast
themselves at his knees, beseeching him to forgive themselves
there present, and to be moved by the misery of the rest of
their city, which would ever be mindful of, and grateful for, his benefits.
Thus Marcellus, softened by their tears and distress, was not only
reconciled to the deputies, but ever afterwards continued to find opportunity
of doing kindness to the Syracusans. The liberty which he had restored
to them, and their rights, laws, and goods that were left, the senate
confirmed. Upon which account the Syracusans, besides other signal honours,
made a law, that if Marcellus should at any time come into Sicily, or
any of his posterity, the Syracusans should wear garlands and offer public sacrifice to the gods.
After this he moved against Hannibal. And whereas the other
consuls and commanders, since the defeat received at Cannae,
had all made use of the same policy against Hannibal, namely,
to decline coming to a battle with him; and none had had the
courage to encounter him in the field and put themselves to the
decision by the sword; Marcellus entered upon the opposite
course, thinking that Italy would be destroyed by the very delay by
which they looked to wear out Hannibal; and that Fabius, who, adhering to his cautious policy, waited to see the war extinguished, while
Rome itself meantime wasted away (like timid physicians, who,
dreading to administer remedies, stay waiting, and believe that
what is the decay of the patient's strength is the decline of
the disease), was not taking a right course to heal the
sickness of his country. And first, the great cities of the Samnites,
which had revolted, came into his power; in which he found a large
quantity of corn and money, and three thousand of Hannibal's soldiers, that were left for the defence. After this, the proconsul Cnaeus
Fulvius with eleven tribunes of the soldiers being slain in
Apulia, and the greatest part of the army also at the same time
cut off, he despatched letters to Rome, and bade the people be
of good courage, for that he was now upon the march against
Hannibal, to turn his triumph into sadness. On these letters
being read, Livy writes that the people were not only not encouraged, but more discouraged than before. For danger, they thought, was
but the greater in proportion as Marcellus was of more value
than Fulvius. He, as he had written, advancing into the
territories of the Lucanians, came up to him at Numistro, and,
the enemy keeping himself upon the hills, pitched his camp in a
level plain, and the next day drew forth his army in order for
fight. Nor did Hannibal refuse the challenge. They fought long and obstinately
on both sides, victory yet seeming undecided, when, after three hours'
conflict, night hardly parted them. The next day, as soon as the sun
was risen, Marcellus again brought forth his troops, and ranged them among the dead bodies of the slain, challenging Hannibal to solve
the question by another trial. When he dislodged and drew off,
Marcellus, gathering up the spoils of the enemies, and burying
the bodies of his slain soldiers, closely followed him. And
though Hannibal often used stratagems, and laid ambushes to
entrap Marcellus, yet he never could circumvent him. By skirmishes, meantime, in all of which he was superior, Marcellus gained
himself such high repute, that, when the time of the Comitia at
Rome was near at hand, the senate thought fit rather to recall
the other consul from Sicily than to withdraw Marcellus from
his conflict with Hannibal; and on his arrival they bid him
name Quintus Fulvius dictator. For the dictator is created neither
by the people nor by the senate, but the consul of the praetor, before
the popular assembly, pronounces him to be dictator whom he himself chooses. Hence he is called dictator, dicere meaning to name.
Others say that he is named dictator because his word is a law,
and he orders what he pleases, without submitting it to the
vote. For the Romans call the orders of magistrates Edicts.
And now because Marcellus's colleague, who was recalled from
Sicily, had a mind to name another man dictator, and would not
be forced to change his opinion, he sailed away by night back
to Sicily. So the common people made an order that Quintus
Fulvius should be chosen dictator: and the senate, by an
express, commanded Marcellus to nominate him. He obeying proclaimed him dictator according to the order of the people; but the office
of proconsul was continued to himself for a year. And having
arranged with Fabius Maximus that, while he besieged Tarentum,
he would, by following Hannibal and drawing him up and down,
detain him from coming to the relief of the Tarentines, he
overtook him at Canusium: and as Hannibal often shifted his camp, and still declined the combat, he everywhere sought to engage him. At
last, pressing upon him while encamping, by light skirmishes he
provoked him to a battle; but night again divided them in the
very heat of the conflict. The next day Marcellus again showed
himself in arms, and brought up his forces in array. Hannibal,
in extreme grief, called his Carthaginians together to an
harangue: and vehemently prayed them to fight to-day worthily of all
their former success; "For you see," said he, "how, after such
great victories, we have not liberty to respire, nor to repose
ourselves, though victors; unless we drive this man back."
Then the two armies, joining battle, fought fiercely; when the
event of an untimely movement showed Marcellus to have been
guilty of an error. The right wing being hard pressed upon, he
commanded one of the legions to be brought up to the front. This change disturbing the array and posture of the legions gave the victory
to the enemies; and there fell two thousand seven hundred
Romans. Marcellus, after he had retreated into his camp, called
his soldiers together. "I see," said he, "many
Roman arms and bodies, but I see not so much as one Roman." To
their entreaties for his pardon, he returned a refusal while they remained beaten, but promised to give it so soon as they should overcome;
and he resolved to bring them into the field again the next
day, that the fame of their victory might arrive at Rome before
that of their flight. Dismissing the assembly, he commanded
barley instead of wheat to be given to those companies that had
turned their backs. These rebukes were so bitter to the
soldiers, that though a great number of them were grievously wounded, yet they relate there was not one to whom the general's oration
was not more painful and smarting than his wounds.
The day breaking, a scarlet toga, the sign of instant battle,
was displayed. The companies marked with ignominy begged they
might be posted in the foremost place, and obtained their
request. Then the tribunes bring forth the rest of the forces,
and draw them up. On news of which, "O strange!" said
Hannibal, "what will you do with this man, who can bear neither good nor bad fortune? He is the only man who neither suffers us to rest
when he is victor, nor rests himself when he is overcome. We
shall have, it seems, perpetually to fight with him; as in good
success his confidence, and in ill success his shame, still urges
him to some further enterprise." Then the armies engaged.
When the fight was doubtful, Hannibal commanded the elephants
to be brought into the first battalion, and to be driven upon
the van of the Romans. When the beasts, trampling upon many, soon caused
disorder, Flavius, a tribune of soldiers, snatching an ensign, meets them, and wounding the first elephant with the spike at the bottom
of the ensign staff, puts him to flight. The beast turned
around upon the next, and drove back both him and the rest that
followed. Marcellus, seeing this, pours in his horse with great
force upon the elephants, and upon the enemy disordered by
their flight. The horse, making a fierce impression, pursued the
Carthaginians home to their camp, while the elephants, wounded and running
upon their own party, caused a considerable slaughter. It is said more
than eight thousand were slain; of the Roman army three thousand, and
almost all wounded. This gave Hannibal opportunity to retire in the silence of the night, and to remove to greater distance from
Marcellus; who was kept from pursuing by the number of his
wounded men, and removed, by gentle marches, into Campania, and
spent the summer at Sinuessa, engaged in restoring them.
But as Hannibal, having disentangled himself from Marcellus,
ranged with his army round about the country, and wasted Italy
free from all fear, at Rome Marcellus was evil spoken of. His
detractors induced Publicius Bibulus, tribune of the people, an
eloquent and violent man, to undertake his accusation. He, by
assiduous harangues, prevailed upon the people to withdraw from
Marcellus the command of the army; "Seeing that Marcellus," said he, "after brief exercise in the war, has withdrawn as
it might be from the wrestling ground to the warm baths to
refresh himself." Marcellus, on hearing this, appointed
lieutenants over his camp and hasted to Rome to refute the
charges against him: and there found ready drawn up an impeachment consisting
of these calumnies. At the day prefixed, in the Flaminian circus, into
which place the people had assembled themselves, Bibulus rose and accused
him. Marcellus himself answered, briefly and simply, but the first and
most approved men of the city spoke largely and in high terms, very freely advising the people not to show themselves worse judges
than the enemy, condemning Marcellus of timidity, from whom
alone of all their captains the enemy fled, and as perpetually
endeavoured to avoid fighting with him as to fight with others.
When they made an end of speaking, the accuser's hope to obtain
judgment so far deceived him, that Marcellus was not only absolved,
but the fifth time created consul.
No sooner had he entered upon this consulate, but he
suppressed a great commotion in Etruria, that had proceeded
near to revolt, and visited and quieted the cities. Then, when
the dedication of the temple, which he had vowed out of his
Sicilian spoils to Honour and Virtue, was objected to by the
priests, because they denied that one temple could be lawfully dedicated
to two gods, he began to adjoin another to it, resenting the priests'
opposition, and almost converting the thing into an omen. And, truly,
many other prodigies also affrighted him; some temples had been struck
with lightning, and in Jupiter's temple mice had gnawed the gold: it
was reported, also, that an ox had spoken, and that a boy had been born with a head like an elephant's. All which prodigies had indeed
been attended to, but due reconciliation had not been obtained
from the gods. The aruspices therefore detained him at Rome,
glowing and burning with desire to return to the war. For no
man was ever inflamed with so great desire of anything as was
he to fight a battle with Hannibal. It was the subject of his dreams in the night, the topic of all his consultations with his friends
and familiars, nor did he present to the gods any other wish,
but that he might meet Hannibal in the field. And I think that
he would most gladly have set upon him, with both armies
environed within a single camp. Had he not been even loaded with
honours, and had he not given proofs in many ways of his maturity of
judgment and of prudence equal to that of any commander, you might have said that he was agitated by a youthful ambition, above what
became a man of that age, for he had passed the sixtieth year
of his life when he began his fifth consulship.
The sacrifices having been offered, and all that belonged to
the propitiation of the gods performed, according to the
prescription of the diviners, he at last with his colleague
went forth to carry on the war. He tried all possible means to
provoke Hannibal, who at that time had a standing camp betwixt
Bantia and Venusia. Hannibal declined an engagement, but having
obtained intelligence that some troops were on their way to the
town of Locri Epizephyrii, placing an ambush under the little hill of
Petelia, he slew two thousand five hundred soldiers. This incensed Marcellus to revenge; and he therefore moved nearer Hannibal. Betwixt the
two camps was a little hill, a tolerably secure post, covered
with wood; it had steep descents on either side, and there were
springs of water seen trickling down. This place was so fit and
advantageous that the Romans wondered that Hannibal, who had
come thither before them, had not seized upon it, but had left
it to the enemies. But to him the place had seemed commodious indeed
for a camp, but yet more commodious for an ambuscade; and to that use
he chose to put it. So in the wood and the hollows he hid a number of
archers and spearmen, confident that the commodiousness of the place would allure the Romans. Nor was he deceived in his expectation.
For presently in the Roman camp they talked and disputed, as if
they had all been captains, how the place ought to be seized,
and what great advantage they should thereby gain upon the
enemies, chiefly if they transferred their camp thither, at any
rate, if they strengthened the place with a fort. Marcellus resolved to go, with a few horse, to view it. Having called a diviner he
proceeded to sacrifice. In the first victim the aruspex showed
him the liver without a head; in the second the head appeared
of unusual size, and all the other indications highly
promising. When these seemed sufficient to free them from the
dread of the former, the diviners declared that they were all the
more terrified by the latter; because entrails too fair and promising, when they appear after others that are maimed and monstrous,
render the change doubtful and suspicious. But -
"Nor fire nor brazen wall can keep out fate;" as
Pindar observes. Marcellus, therefore, taking with him his
colleague Crispinus, and his son, a tribune of soldiers, with
two hundred and twenty horse at most (among whom there was not
one Roman, but all were Etruscans, except forty Fregellans, of
whose courage and fidelity he had on all occasions received full proof), goes to view the place. The hill was covered with woods all over;
on the top of it sat a scout concealed from the sight of the
enemy, but having the Roman camp exposed to his view. Upon
signs received from him, the men that were placed in ambush
stirred not till Marcellus came near; and then all starting up
in an instant, and encompassing him from all sides, attacked him
with darts, struck about and wounded the backs of those that fled, and
pressed upon those who resisted. These were the forty Fregellans. For though the Etruscans fled in the very beginning of the fight, the
Fregellans formed themselves into a ring, bravely defending the
consuls, till Crispinus, struck with two darts, turned his
horse to fly away; and Marcellus's side was run through with a
lance with a broad head. Then the Fregellans, also, the few
that remained alive, leaving the fallen consul, and rescuing young Marcellus,
who also was wounded, got into the camp by flight. There were slain
not much above forty; five lictors and eighteen horsemen came alive into the enemy's hands. Crispinus also died of his wounds a few
days after. Such a disaster as the loss of both consuls in a
single engagement was one that had never before befallen the
Romans.
Hannibal, little valuing the other events, as soon as he was
told of Marcellus's death, immediately hasted to the hill.
Viewing the body, and continuing for some time to observe its
strength and shape, he allowed not a word to fall from him
expressive of the least pride or arrogancy, nor did he show in
his countenance any sign of gladness, as another perhaps would
have done, when his fierce and troublesome enemy had been taken away; but amazed by so sudden and unexpected an end, taking off nothing
but his ring, gave order to have the body properly clad and
adorned and honourably burned. The relics put into a silver
urn, with a crown of gold to cover it, he sent back to his son.
But some of the Numidians, setting upon these that were
carrying the urn, took it from them by force, and cast away the bones;
which being told to Hannibal, "It is impossible, it seems then," he said, "to do anything against the will of God!" He
punished the Numidians; but took no further care of sending or
re-collecting the bones; conceiving that Marcellus so fell, and
so lay unburied, by a certain fate. So Cornelius Nepos and
Vaerius Maximus have left upon record: but Livy and Augustus Caesar
affirm that the urn was brought to his son, and honoured with a magnificent
funeral. Besides the monuments raised for him at Rome, there was
dedicated to his memory at Catana, in Sicily, an ample wrestling place called after him; statues and pictures, out of those he took from
Syracuse, were set up in Samothrace, in the temple of the gods,
named Cabiri, and in that of Minerva at Lindus, where also
there was a statue of him, says Posidonius, with the following
inscription:-
"This was, O stranger, once Rome's star divine,
Claudius Marcellus of an ancient line;
To fight her wars seven times her consul made,
Low in the dust her enemies he laid." The writer of the inscription has added to Marcellus's five consulates his two proconsulates.
His progeny continued in high honour even down to Marcellus,
son of Octavia, sister of Augustus, whom she bore to her
husband Caius Marcellus; and who died a bridegroom, in the year
of his Aedileship, having not long before married Caesar's
daughter. His mother, Octavia, dedicated the library to his honour and
memory, and Caesar the theatre which bears his name.
THE END