Table of Contents | Words: Alphabetical - Frequency - Inverse - Length - Statistics | Help | IntraText Library
Niccolò Machiavelli
The Prince

IntraText - Concordances

(Hapax - words occurring once)


1-cuor | custo-inter | intri-riaxi | riche-zenit

                                                      bold = Main text
     Chapter                                          grey = Comment text
1 XX | ADVANTAGEOUS OR HURTFUL?~1. SOME princes, so as to 2 II | those of Pope Julius in ’10, unless he had been long 3 XIII(30) | Joannes Cantacuzenus, born 1300, died 1383. 4 XII(24) | 1394. He was born about 1320 at Sible Hedingham, a village 5 XIII(30) | Cantacuzenus, born 1300, died 1383. 6 XII(25) | born at Carmagnola about 1390, executed at Venice, 5th 7 XII(24) | and died in Florence in 1394. He was born about 1320 8 VII(9) | Francesco Sforza, born 1401, died 1466. He married Bianca 9 XIII(31) | surnamed “The Victorious,” born 1403, died 1461.~ 10 XII(28) | Italian soldiers. He died in 1409. 11 XIII(32) | son of the above, born 1423, died 1483. 12 XII(25) | executed at Venice, 5th May 1432.~ 13 XIX(42) | Bentivogli, born in Bologna 1438, died at Milan 1508. He 14 XII(26) | Pitigliano; Nicolo Orsini, born 1442, died 1510.~ 15 VII(13) | Pietro ad Vincula, born 1443, died 1513. 16 XII(22) | Caravaggio, 15th September 1448.~ 17 XII(26) | Colleoni of Bergamo; died 1457. Roberto of San Severino; 18 XXIII(45)| Maximilian I, born in 1459, died 1519, Emperor of the 19 III(5) | cardinal by Alexander VI. Born 1460, died 1510. 20 XIII(31) | Victorious,” born 1403, died 1461.~ 21 XX(43) | Lucrezia Landriani, born 1463, died 1509. It was to the 22 VII(9) | Sforza, born 1401, died 1466. He married Bianca Maria 23 III(3) | VIII, King of France, born 1470, died 1498. 24 VII(9) | Republic to Cesare Borgia (1478-1507) during the transactions 25 XIII(32) | the above, born 1423, died 1483. 26 XII(26) | Sigismund, Duke of Austria, in 1487. “Primo capitano in Italia.”— 27 XXVI(48) | The battles of Il Taro, 1495; Alessandria, 1499; Capua, 28 III(3) | France, born 1470, died 1498. 29 III(1) | over Milan from 1494 to 1500, and died in 1510. ~ 30 XXVI(48) | Alessandria, 1499; Capua, 1501; Genoa, 1507; Vaila, 1509; 31 XIX(42) | ruled Bologna from 1462 to 1506. Machiavelli’s strong condemnation 32 XIX(42) | Bologna 1438, died at Milan 1508. He ruled Bologna from 1462 33 XXVI(48) | 1507; Vaila, 1509; Bologna, 1511; Mestri, 1513. 34 III(2) | People,” born 1462, died 1515.~ 35 XIII(29) | Catholic,” born 1542, died 1516. 36 XXIII(45)| Maximilian I, born in 1459, died 1519, Emperor of the Holy Roman 37 XXVI(47) | a cardinal by Leo X. In 1523 Giuliano was elected Pope, 38 XIII(29) | surnamed “The Catholic,” born 1542, died 1516. 39 XVIII(39)| in the Testina addition, 1550.~Alexander never did what 40 XIV(34) | Greeks,” born 252 B.C., died 183 B.C. 41 XVIII(40)| his Sermon IX, p. 69, ed. 1843, comments on this passage 42 XX(43) | translated by P. Sylvester, 1898. 43 VII(12) | Alexander VI died of fever, 18th August 1503.~ 44 XXI(44) | Wallace’s “Russia,” ed. 1905: “The sons . . . were always 45 IX(17) | Flamininus in 195 B.C.; killed 192 B.C.~ 46 IX(17) | Romans under Flamininus in 195 B.C.; killed 192 B.C.~ 47 XX | matter of itself will admit.~2. There never was a new prince 48 VI(7) | born about 307 B.C., died 216 B.C. 49 XIV(34) | last of the Greeks,” born 252 B.C., died 183 B.C. 50 VIII(15) | Sicilian, born 361 B.C., died 289 B.C. 51 XVIII(37)| Burd, “Il Principe,” p. 297. 52 XX | state were living near you.~3. Our forefathers, and those 53 VI(7) | Hiero II, born about 307 B.C., died 216 B.C. 54 XVIII(41)| Burd’s “Il Principe,” p. 308. 55 VII(10) | Sinigalia, 31st December 1502. 56 VIII(15) | Agathocles the Sicilian, born 361 B.C., died 289 B.C. 57 XX | policy proves fallacious.~4. Without doubt princes become 58 XX | renown may rise higher.~5. Princes, especially new 59 XII(25) | 1390, executed at Venice, 5th May 1432.~ 60 XX | encouraged him to seize it.~6. It has been a custom with 61 XVIII(40)| South in his Sermon IX, p. 69, ed. 1843, comments on this 62 II | attacks of the Venetians in ’84, nor those of Pope Julius 63 XV | may with less hesitation abandon himself to them. And again, 64 IX | he has not only to fear abandonment, but also that they will 65 XXI | he must never consent to abate in anything.~ 66 XXIII | the truth, respect for you abates.~Therefore a wise prince 67 XXIV | secure the nobles. In the absence of these defects states 68 X | The cities of Germany are absolutely free, they own but little 69 XIX | from both of which he must abstain. And when neither their 70 XVII | always be as long as he abstains from the property of his 71 III | Charles — he was forced to accept those friendships which 72 XIX | other, his having at the accession to his dominions deferred 73 III | as himself shall, by any accident, get a footing there; for 74 XXV | circumspect to know how to accommodate himself to the change, both 75 XXV | he whose actions do not accord with the times will not 76 XIX | other praises which are accorded him is this, that in the 77 VII(9) | duchy. Machiavelli was the accredited agent of the Florentine 78 XI | also found the way open to accumulate money in a manner such as 79 XXIV | do not let our princes accuse fortune for the loss of 80 XIV | incessantly the chase, by which he accustoms his body to hardships, and 81 VIII | most excellent men. What he achieved cannot be attributed either 82 III | garrison up and down all become acquainted with hardship, and all become 83 XII | considered, will be seen to have acted safely and gloriously so 84 VI | great examples I wish to add a lesser one; still it bears 85 XIV | and in peace he should addict himself more to its exercise 86 XVIII(39)| are omitted in the Testina addition, 1550.~Alexander never did 87 XVI | subjects, for he supplied his additional expenses out of his long 88 II | them at length, and will address myself only to principalities. 89 XIX | had need of special favour adhered more readily to the soldiers 90 IV | he sends there different administrators, and shifts and changes 91 XXI(44) | guilds of Florence are most admirably described by Mr Edgcumbe 92 XXI | his people in suspense and admiration and occupied with the issue 93 XVII | And shortsighted writers admire his deeds from one point 94 XX | the matter of itself will admit.~2. There never was a new 95 XVIII | SHOULD KEEP FAITH37~EVERY one admits how praiseworthy it is in 96 XXI(44) | oath; and it is generally admitted to be only another form 97 XXIV | a new principality, and adorned and strengthened it with 98 Ded | extrinsic allurements or adornments whatever, with which so 99 X | then preserving himself adroitly from those subjects who 100 III | Sienese — everybody made advances to him to become his friend. 101 X | caution, for men are always adverse to enterprises where difficulties 102 VII | considered that it was not advisable to confer such excessive 103 XXIII | ability, but through the good advisers that he has around him, 104 VII | wherein all cities had their advocates. And because he knew that 105 XIV | glory, and how in chastity, affability, humanity, and liberality 106 XV | another bold and brave; one affable, another haughty; one lascivious, 107 XIII | man, on entering into an affair which looks well at first, 108 XVI | and rewarded few, he is affected by the very first trouble 109 IX | the prince can win their affections in many ways, but as these 110 XVIII | with greater oaths would affirm a thing, yet would observe 111 XIX | added contempt for his old age, he was overthrown at the 112 VII(9) | Machiavelli was the accredited agent of the Florentine Republic 113 XII | and Sparta stood for many ages armed and free. The Switzers 114 XXVI | when the Spaniards, by agility of body and with the aid 115 XII | which happened a short while ago. The Florentines appointed 116 XXV | The Venetians were not agreeable to it, nor was the King 117 XXV | so long as the two are in agreement men are successful, but 118 IX | because then every one agrees with him; they all promise, 119 XXI | peaceably, both in commerce and agriculture, and in every other following, 120 VII | spirit and far-reaching aims, could not have regulated 121 VII | consolidated, with the rest in the air, between two most powerful 122 XXVI | of Petrarch:~Virtu contro al Furore~Prendera l’arme, 123 VI | Romulus should not remain in Alba, and that he should be abandoned 124 XII(28) | Alberigo da Conio. Alberico da Barbiano, Count of Cunio 125 XIX | of Rome and all those of Alexandria. He became hated by the 126 XI | desire nor the ability to alienate themselves. Such principalities 127 XIII | own forces and not with aliens.~I wish also to recall to 128 XI | of religion, which are so all-powerful, and of such a character 129 XIII(33) | Mr Balfour replied to the allegations that the Roman Empire sank 130 III | disadvantage. And if another should allege the pledge which the king 131 XI | them; and the other, not allowing them to have their own cardinals, 132 XXV | and it is seen that she allows herself to be mastered by 133 Ded | nor with any extrinsic allurements or adornments whatever, 134 XXI | But if he with whom you ally yourself loses, you may 135 III | laws nor their taxes are altered, so that in a very short 136 XVIII(38)| unum per disceptationem,~alterum per vim; cumque illud proprium 137 III(5) | Rouen. He was Georges dAmboise, created a cardinal by Alexander 138 XXI | is established a bond of amity; and men are never so shameless 139 VII(9) | dal duca Valentino nello ammazzare Vitellozzo Vitelli,” etc., 140 XIX | brutal, he gave himself up to amusing the soldiers and corrupting 141 IX | principality, self-government, or anarchy.~A principality is created 142 II | transgress the customs of his ancestors, and to deal prudently with 143 XXVI | Negli italici cuor non e ancor morto.49~ 144 XX | with craft to foster some animosity against himself, so that, 145 III(4) | XI, and married in 1499 Anne of Brittany, widow of Charles 146 XX(43) | Fortunati to the countess announces the appointment: “I have 147 XI | wisdom could rid him of these annoyances. And the short life of a 148 VII | except that he had never anticipated that, when the death did 149 XXI | thinking of the war and not anticipating any innovations; thus they 150 XXVI | il combatter corto:~Che lantico valore~Negli italici cuor 151 XXII | were none who knew Messer Antonio da Venafro as the servant 152 VII | attention, giving him money, apparel, and horses — the Orsini 153 XXI(44) | wordartel,” despite its apparent similarity, has, Mr Aylmer 154 VII(9) | translation of which is appended to the present work. 155 XIII | instance from the Old Testament applicable to this subject. David offered 156 VIII | to speak well, that are applied at one blow and are necessary 157 XII | while ago. The Florentines appointed as their captain Paolo Vitelli, 158 XX(43) | the countess announces the appointment: “I have been with the signori,” 159 VII | people now beginning to appreciate their prosperity, he gained 160 XXII | by itself; another which appreciates what others comprehend; 161 XV | shall be useful to him who apprehends it, it appears to me more 162 III | but if you wait until they approach, the medicine is no longer 163 XVII | far distant; but when it approaches they turn against you. And 164 XIX | this latter, besieging Aquileia and meeting with difficulties 165 XII | who in their time were the arbiters of Italy. After these came 166 XXIII | flatterers, of whom courts arc full, because men are so 167 III(5) | The Archbishop of Rouen. He was Georges 168 VI | him act like the clever archers who, designing to hit the 169 VII | laid with trouble to the architect and danger to the building. 170 XX | the state. Such methods argue, therefore, weakness in 171 XIII(33) | debate on the reduction of armaments seemed to show a most lamentable 172 XXVI | contro al Furore~Prendera larme, e fia il combatter corto:~ 173 XX | armed them, because, by arming them, those arms become 174 VIII | he entreated Giovanni to arrange that he should be received 175 XIX | better or a more prudent arrangement, or a greater source of 176 XIV | quarters, to lead armies, to array the battle, to besiege towns 177 XIX(42) | 1513), when he had been arrested and tortured for his alleged 178 XIV | one country one can easily arrive at a knowledge of others. 179 VI | reach by their strength or arrow to so great a height, but 180 XXI(44) | me, no connection with “ars” or “arte.” Its root is 181 XXI(44) | the larger towns there are artels of a much more complex kind— 182 VIII | were finished, Oliverotto artfully began certain grave discourses, 183 X | walls, they have sufficient artillery, and they always keep in 184 VII | acquired his state during the ascendancy of his father, and on its 185 VIII | wicked or nefarious ways, one ascends to the principality, or 186 VI | their dangers are in the ascent, yet with ability they will 187 XIX | where Niger, head of the Asiatic army, had caused himself 188 XIX | necessary that, putting aside every consideration for 189 XXIII | offering advice unless he asks it; but, however, he ought 190 XIV | with a knowledge of the aspect of one country one can easily 191 XIX | where Albinus was, who also aspired to the throne. And as he 192 XXI | Under this same cloak he assailed Africa, he came down on 193 XIX | childhood: immediately after his assassination the people rose and murdered 194 VII(9) | transactions which led up to the assassinations of the Orsini and Vitelli 195 X | thinks the taking of them by assault would be tedious and difficult, 196 VIII | in Sicily. One morning he assembled the people and senate of 197 VIII | been conceded to him by assent, he came to an understanding 198 XVII | with. Because this is to be asserted in general of men, that 199 XVIII | who had greater power in asserting, or who with greater oaths 200 IV | with them, for the reasons assigned. Hence, he who attacks the 201 III | than he did the contrary by assisting Pope Alexander to occupy 202 XXI | against him.~Again, it much assists a prince to set unusual 203 XXI(44) | complex kind— permanent associations, possessing large capital, 204 XIII | not able all at once to assume enough authority to injure 205 IV | to the authority he had assumed there; and the family of 206 XIX | gain from this course to be assured, and seeing the other to 207 XXI(44) | similarity, has, Mr Aylmer Maude assures me, no connection with “ 208 XIX | latter were kept in a way astonished and awed and the former 209 IX | affairs more far-seeing and astute, always come forward in 210 III | brought about either by astuteness or else by force, and both 211 V | Romans. The Spartans held Athens and Thebes, establishing 212 VII | rising, but much in keeping atop; they have not any difficulties 213 XVIII(40)| may be that the meaning attached to the wordfede” was “ 214 VII | that in a few months all attachment to the factions was destroyed 215 VII | soldiers from him for the attempt on the Romagna, which yielded 216 VIII | therefore, did not fail in any attentions due to his nephew, and he 217 XXVI | fails in the head. Look attentively at the duels and the hand-to-hand 218 XXIV | warlike man who knew how to attract the people and secure the 219 XXIV | ancient blood; because men are attracted more by the present than 220 XII | fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the 221 XVI | liberal is obliged to avoid no attribute of magnificence; so that 222 Ded | which fortune and your other attributes promise. And if your Magnificence 223 XXV | more violent, and with more audacity command her.~ 224 VII(12) | Alexander VI died of fever, 18th August 1503.~ 225 XIX | causes it arose that Marcus, [Aurelius], Pertinax, and Alexander, 226 XXVI | ennobled, and under its auspices may be verified that saying 227 XII(26) | against Sigismund, Duke of Austria, in 1487. “Primo capitano 228 XVIII(40)| the sanction of the papal authorities. It may be that the meaning 229 XIV | such a way that they may be available to him in adversity, so 230 XIX | up with the cruelty and avarice of their soldiers, a matter 231 XV | Tuscan term (because an avaricious person in our language is 232 XVII | Scipio, yet they were not avenged by him, nor was the insolence 233 XVII | he does not win love, he avoids hatred; because he can endure 234 VII | the king, who too late was aware of his mistake, would not 235 XIX | in a way astonished and awed and the former respectful 236 XXIII | deceived, because this is an axiom which never fails: that 237 XXI(44) | apparent similarity, has, Mr Aylmer Maude assures me, no connection 238 XI | seeing that from Alexander backwards the Italian potentates ( 239 XII(21) | History of Henry VII,” by Lord Bacon: “King Charles had conquered 240 VII | remained secure; and whilst the Baglioni, the Vitelli, and the Orsini 241 XX | when Italy was in a way balanced, but I do not believe that 242 XIII(33) | maintains its existence. When Mr Balfour replied to the allegations 243 XXVI | and willing to follow a banner if only someone will raise 244 VIII | Oliverotto gave a solemn banquet to which he invited Giovanni 245 VIII | entertainments that are usual in such banquets were finished, Oliverotto 246 XXVI | LIBERATE ITALY FROM THE BARBARIANS~HAVING carefully considered 247 XII(28) | Alberigo da Conio. Alberico da Barbiano, Count of Cunio in Romagna. 248 XII | and if one holds his state based on these arms, he will stand 249 XVII | obligation which, owing to the baseness of men, is broken at every 250 XXVI | were confronted by German battalions, who follow the same tactics 251 XXVI(48) | The battles of Il Taro, 1495; Alessandria, 252 XXV | away trees and buildings, bearing away the soil from place 253 XVIII | proper to men, the second to beasts; but because the first is 254 III(1) | Francesco Sforza, who married Beatrice d’Este. He ruled over Milan 255 XIV | all the chances that could befall an army; he would listen 256 XVI | name for rapacity which begets reproach with hatred.~ 257 XVII | wanting; for he who has once begun to live by robbery will 258 XI | matter how their princes behave and live. These princes 259 | behind 260 VII | and their following. It behoved him, therefore, to upset 261 XVIII(40)| indifferently every shade of belief, as witness “the religion,” 262 XII | offence and defence which belong to each of them.~We have 263 | below 264 XVIII(38)| proprium sit hominis, hoc beluarum;~confugiendum est ad posterius, 265 IX | bound more closely to their benefactor; thus the people quickly 266 III | in their hopes of future benefit, would not endure the ill-treatment 267 XX | those whom you do arm are benefited, the others can be handled 268 XIX | to cruelty, humane, and benignant, came to a sad end except 269 Ded | nevertheless I trust much to your benignity that it may be acceptable, 270 XIX | their soldiers, a matter so beset with difficulties that it 271 XIV | to array the battle, to besiege towns to advantage.~Philopoemen34, 272 VII | by the favour of him who bestows it; as happened to many 273 VIII | more private place, and he betook himself to a chamber, whither 274 XVII(36) | unsettled, and an infant state,~Bid me defend my realms with 275 XII(21) | quartermasters to chalk up the billets for his soldiers to conquer 276 IX | ambitious ends they shun binding themselves, it is a token 277 IX | course in such a way as binds them entirely to your fortune, 278 XIX | considered the son of a blacksmith, sent to Florence for him 279 VII | piazza at Cesena with the block and a bloody knife at his 280 XX | allowed them to come to bloodshed, yet they nursed these disputes 281 VII | Cesena with the block and a bloody knife at his side. The barbarity 282 VIII | that are applied at one blow and are necessary to one’ 283 III | reasons given above that a blunder ought never be perpetrated 284 XXI | he ought to hold such bodies in esteem, and associate 285 XIX | threatened, yet retained in his bodyguard; which, as it turned out, 286 VIII | perils, and were afterwards boldly held by him with many hazards 287 XIX | able to rule the state, the Bolognese, having information that 288 XXI | and there is established a bond of amity; and men are never 289 IV | ministers, being all slaves and bondmen, can only be corrupted with 290 XII(21) | gesso.” This is one of the bons mots of Alexander VI, and 291 IX(18) | s “Florentine History,” Book III. 292 III | raise insurrections on the borders; but to cause him to lose 293 XIV | men, to see how they have borne themselves in war, to examine 294 XIX(42) | alleged complicity in the Boscoli conspiracy. 295 XVII | cruelty, which, with his boundless valour, made him revered 296 XI | Colonna factions within the bounds in which he found them; 297 VI | which the strength of their bow attains, take aim much higher 298 XII | discretion. Sforza had the Bracceschi always against him, so they 299 XXIII | to leave out an important branch of this subject, for it 300 XV | cowardly, another bold and brave; one affable, another haughty; 301 XXVI(49) | dead,~Nor in thItaliansbreasts extinguished. 302 XX | either of these opinions breeds hatred against you. And 303 XX | fortresses that may serve as a bridle and bit to those who might 304 XIII(33) | conditions under which the British Empire maintains its existence. 305 XVII | the baseness of men, is broken at every opportunity for 306 XIX | being by nature cruel and brutal, he gave himself up to amusing 307 VII | architect and danger to the building. If, therefore, all the 308 XXV | sweeping away trees and buildings, bearing away the soil from 309 III | always causes a new prince to burden those who have submitted 310 XVI | engage in enterprises without burdening his people; thus it comes 311 III | one has seen in Brittany, Burgundy, Gascony, and Normandy, 312 X | naturally on his arrival at once burn and ruin the country at 313 XII(25) | Carmignuola. Francesco Bussone, born at Carmagnola about 314 VII | way both were compelled to buy his goodwill), he pounced 315 XV | possess by robbery, whilst we call one miserly who deprives 316 XXI | citizens to practise their callings peaceably, both in commerce 317 XIII | themselves, but for him who calls them in they are always 318 XXIV | make any provision in the calm against the tempest), and 319 III | of Pesaro, of Rimini, of Camerino, of Piombino, the Lucchesi, 320 XII | they did not surround the camp either with stockade or 321 XII | stockade or ditch, nor did they campaign in the winter. All these 322 XXVI | in Italy, and in so many campaigns, it has always appeared 323 XXV | waters may pass away by canal, and their force be neither 324 XX | very necessary for them to cancel by deeds the bad impression 325 XVII(35) | the rioting between the Cancellieri and Panciatichi factions 326 XIII(30) | Joannes Cantacuzenus, born 1300, died 1383. 327 XXVI | dispersed to illustrate the capabilities of Theseus: then at the 328 XI | they are acquired either by capacity or good fortune, and they 329 XXI(44) | associations, possessing large capital, and pecuniarily responsible 330 XII(26) | Austria, in 1487. “Primo capitano in Italia.”—Machiavelli. 331 XIII | soldiers, and with them he captured Imola and Forli; but afterwards, 332 XXVI | seen, in the height of his career, that fortune rejected him; 333 XIX | satisfaction to the soldiers, caring little about injuring the 334 XII(25) | Francesco Bussone, born at Carmagnola about 1390, executed at 335 XII | they expanded, as under Carmignola25, they had a taste of this 336 XII(25) | Carmignuola. Francesco Bussone, born 337 XIX | be disturbed, if he has carried out his preparations and 338 XXIII | opinions on them. But as in carrying them into effect they become 339 V | in order to hold Capua, Carthage, and Numantia, dismantled 340 VIII | purpose with Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, who, with his army, was 341 XX | two fortresses in Citta di Castello so that he might keep that 342 XXI | the minds of the barons of Castile occupied in thinking of 343 XX | to leave them alone. The castle of Milan, built by Francesco 344 XXV | which required him to go cautiously, his ruin would have followed, 345 VIII | do not permit him to be celebrated among the most excellent 346 XVIII | of old were given to the Centaur Chiron to nurse, who brought 347 VII(8) | sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 348 VII | and left on the piazza at Cesena with the block and a bloody 349 XVIII | which it is not prudent to challenge, one judges by the result.~ 350 VIII | and he betook himself to a chamber, whither Giovanni and the 351 XIII | Goliath, the Philistine champion, and, to give him courage, 352 XIV | them, as he went, all the chances that could befall an army; 353 X | affairs of this world are so changeable, it is almost impossible 354 XXV | therefore that, fortune being changeful and mankind steadfast in 355 XXVI | illustrious house take up this charge with that courage and hope 356 XIV | to follow incessantly the chase, by which he accustoms his 357 XV | one lascivious, another chaste; one sincere, another cunning; 358 XI | impotence, and, through the chastisements Alexander, the factions 359 XIV | was his glory, and how in chastity, affability, humanity, and 360 XXVI | fia il combatter corto:~Che l’antico valore~Negli italici 361 XIX | consider that a prince ought to cherish the nobles, but not so as 362 XIX | Messer Giovanni42, who was in childhood: immediately after his assassination 363 XVII | blood, property, life and children, as is said above, when 364 XVIII | were given to the Centaur Chiron to nurse, who brought them 365 IV | shifts and changes them as he chooses. But the King of France 366 VI | Syracusans, being oppressed, chose him for their captain, afterwards 367 XXI | be the foremost king in Christendom; and if you will consider 368 XIX | reason that it is like the Christian pontificate, which cannot 369 XVII(36) | severities my shores.~— Christopher Pitt 370 XVIII(38)| is imitated directly from Cicero’s “De Officiis”:~“Nam cum 371 XXV | often found sufficiently circumspect to know how to accommodate 372 IX | in every sort and kind of circumstance have need of the state and 373 XVIII | account, and have known how to circumvent the intellect of men by 374 XIII | shall never hesitate to cite Cesare Borgia and his actions. 375 XX | demolish two fortresses in Citta di Castello so that he might 376 XXI(44) | Perhaps our words “septs” or “clans” would be most appropriate. 377 XXII | Because there are three classes of intellects: one which 378 XXVI | kingdom and of Tuscany, and cleanse those sores that for long 379 IX | Therefore, to make this point clearer, I say that the nobles ought 380 XXI | cruelty to driving out and clearing his kingdom of the Moors; 381 XVIII(41)| Prince’ it would have been clearly impossible to mention Ferdinand’ 382 XXI | more rare. Under this same cloak he assailed Africa, he came 383 XXVI | whenever they encounter them in close combat. Owing to this, as 384 XXVI | tears. What door would be closed to him? Who would refuse 385 Ded | often sees horses, arms, cloth of gold, precious stones, 386 XXVI | example: the sea is divided, a cloud has led the way, the rock 387 XVII | et regni novitas me talia cogunt~Moliri, et late fines custode 388 XII(21) | With chalk in hand,” “col gesso.” This is one of the 389 XXV | those who go to work more coldly. She is, therefore, always, 390 XIX | Senate had made Albinus his colleague; which things were accepted 391 XII(24) | Edward III; afterwards he collected a body of troops and went 392 XII(26) | Bartolomeo Colleoni of Bergamo; died 1457. Roberto 393 III | guards are as useless as a colony is useful.~Again, the prince 394 XXVI | duels and the hand-to-hand combats, how superior the Italians 395 XXVI | Prendera l’arme, e fia il combatter corto:~Che l’antico valore~ 396 XXVI | when they find themselves commanded by their prince, honoured 397 XVI | LIBERALITY AND MEANNESS~COMMENCING then with the first of the 398 XIV | have bestowed on him, is commended because in time of peace 399 XVIII(40)| Sermon IX, p. 69, ed. 1843, comments on this passage as follows: “ 400 XXI | callings peaceably, both in commerce and agriculture, and in 401 VIII | that city without any civil commotion. And although he was twice 402 XXIII | secretive man — he does not communicate his designs to any one, 403 XIX | alone, nor can he take a companion except from those whom he 404 XXI | aid you, and you become companions in a fortune that may rise 405 XXV | perhaps a little less.~I compare her to one of those raging 406 XXIV | had not much territory compared to the greatness of the 407 XXVI | armies they do not bear comparison, and this springs entirely 408 XV | rapacious; one cruel, one compassionate; one faithless, another 409 XXI | others, unless necessity compels him, as is said above; because 410 XIX | descending to the theatre to compete with gladiators, and doing 411 XIX | he returned to Rome and complained to the Senate that Albinus, 412 XII | and free. The Switzers are completely armed and quite free.~Of 413 XXI(44) | are artels of a much more complex kind— permanent associations, 414 XIX(42) | tortured for his alleged complicity in the Boscoli conspiracy. 415 XXII | appreciates what others comprehend; and a third which neither 416 XX | nevertheless I will speak as comprehensively as the matter of itself 417 VII | and he knew so well how to conceal his mind that, by the mediation 418 XVII | characteristic not only concealed itself, but contributed 419 VIII | others, that which had been conceded to him by assent, he came 420 XIX | which the people might have conceived against him for his violence.~ 421 XXII | which the prince is not concerned.~On the other to keep his 422 XXIII | afterwards form his own conclusions. With these councillors, 423 XXVI | to me that so many things concur to favour a new prince that 424 XVII | of view and from another condemn the principal cause of them. 425 XIX(42) | 1506. Machiavelli’s strong condemnation of conspiracies may get 426 XIII | constituted like our Italian condottieri, was of no use; and it appearing 427 III(6) | the duchy of Valentinois, conferred on him by Louis XII. 428 XV | know that every one will confess that it would be most praiseworthy 429 XVII | humanity, so that too much confidence may not make him incautious 430 XXV | fortune in general.~But confining myself more to the particular, 431 XIV | their opinion and state his, confirming it with reasons, so that 432 XIV | humanity, and liberality Scipio conformed to those things which have 433 XIX | for the difficulties that confront a conspirator are infinite. 434 XVIII(38)| sit hominis, hoc beluarum;~confugiendum est ad posterius, si uti 435 IX | mind to obey him amid these confusions, and there will always be 436 XXV | every day, beyond all human conjecture. Sometimes pondering over 437 XXI(44) | and included individuals connected by marriage. Perhaps our 438 XXI(44) | Aylmer Maude assures me, no connection with “ars” or “arte.” Its 439 VII | wished to proceed with his conquest, had next to consider France, 440 XII | Because from such arms conquests come but slowly, long delayed 441 III | only to bear in mind two considerations: the one, that the family 442 XVII | soldiers more licence than is consistent with military discipline. 443 XII | republics, and, the Church consisting of priests and the republic 444 XXI | into another; but prudence consists in knowing how to distinguish 445 VII | the state of Romagna alone consolidated, with the rest in the air, 446 XX | the Count Girolamo, her consort, was killed; for by that 447 XXIII | however, he ought to be a constant inquirer, and afterwards 448 XIII | troubles.~The Emperor of Constantinople30, to oppose his neighbours, 449 XIX | although the prince is new, the constitution of the state is old, and 450 VI | not have enforced their constitutions for long — as happened in 451 XXV | have not been raised to constrain her.~And if you will consider 452 XXIII | they are kept honest by constraint. Therefore it must be inferred 453 XXIII | of his majesty, said: He consulted with no one, yet never got 454 VI | that is to say, whether, to consummate their enterprise, have they 455 VI | have great difficulties in consummating their enterprise, for all 456 Ded | acquired by long experience in contemporary affairs, and a continual 457 XIX | content, and he has only to contend with the ambition of a few, 458 XIX | the people only have to be contended with, the Roman emperors 459 IV | with the power and long continuance of the empire the memory 460 VI | respected, and they will continue afterwards powerful, secure, 461 XIX | taken this care, but had contumeliously killed a brother of that 462 XXI | festivals and spectacles at convenient seasons of the year; and 463 XXV | patience, times and affairs converge in such a way that his administration 464 VII | been observed. Thirdly, by converting the college more to himself. 465 XXV(46) | older one gets the more convinced one becomes that his Majesty 466 X | time, when spirits have cooled, the damage is already done, 467 VI | well under the new. This coolness arises partly from fear 468 VIII | although one could be more copiously treated when I discuss republics. 469 XXI(44) | any trade in any city or corporation town.” The guilds of Florence 470 VII(8) | states—a common meaning of “correspondence” and “correspondency” in 471 VII(8) | of “correspondence” and “correspondency” in the sixteenth and seventeenth 472 VII(8) | Le radici e corrispondenze,” their roots (i.e. foundations) 473 XIX | evil; for when that body is corrupt whom you think you have 474 XVII | Maximus, and called the corrupter of the Roman soldiery. The 475 XIX | amusing the soldiers and corrupting them, so that he might indulge 476 VII | those emperors who, by the corruption of the soldiers, from being 477 XXVI | arme, e fia il combatter corto:~Che l’antico valore~Negli 478 XVIII(40)| That great patron and Coryphaeus of this tribe, Nicolo Machiavel, 479 XVI | recognized, except to his cost, if he is wise he ought 480 III | that these colonies are not costly, they are more faithful, 481 XXI | came to be discussed in the council of the Achaeans, where the 482 XXIII | conclusions. With these councillors, separately and collectively, 483 XXIII | unite them. Each of the counsellors will think of his own interests, 484 Ded | this work unworthy of your countenance, nevertheless I trust much 485 III | the Venetians, and to run counter to both they would not have 486 XII | may be better prepared to counteract them. You must understand 487 XIX | that he knew well how to counterfeit the fox and the lion, which 488 XXI | show himself an example of courtesy and liberality; nevertheless, 489 XXIII | that of flatterers, of whom courts arc full, because men are 490 XVII | fickle, false, cowardly, covetous, and as long as you succeed 491 XX | distrust them, either for cowardice or for want of loyalty, 492 XXV | This opinion has been more credited in our times because of 493 XVIII(40)| faith,” i.e. the Catholic creed, and not as rendered here “ 494 XIX | to fear the sequel to the crime; because on account of it 495 III(4) | Duchy of Brittany for the crown.~ 496 VIII(16) | thought when he speaks of “crudelta” than the more obvious “ 497 XVIII(38)| Cicero’s “De Officiis”:~“Nam cum sint duo genera decertandi, 498 XVIII(38)| disceptationem,~alterum per vim; cumque illud proprium sit hominis, 499 XII(28) | Alberico da Barbiano, Count of Cunio in Romagna. He was the leader 500 XXVI | antico valore~Negli italici cuor non e ancor morto.49~


1-cuor | custo-inter | intri-riaxi | riche-zenit

Best viewed with any browser at 800x600 or 768x1024 on Tablet PC
IntraText® (V89) - Some rights reserved by EuloTech SRL - 1996-2007. Content in this page is licensed under a Creative Commons License