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1003 3, XXV | You will remain in this grade until you have learned to
1004 2, XXIII | them or destroyed them, granting to the beneficiaries exemptions
1005 2, XX | men is so great, that to gratify a present desire, do not
1006 1, LIV | inspired] by some man of gravity and authority who encounters
1007 2, X | vanquished Alexander, the Greeks would have vanquished the
1008 2, III | they can in time grow more green and more fruitful. And that
1009 Gre | BUONDELMONTI~AND TO~COSIMO RUCELLAI~GREETINGS.~I send you a present which
1010 2, V | the methods used by Saint Gregory and the other Heads of the
1011 1, XXXIV | reserved authority to a small group [few] of citizens so that
1012 2, XVII | expose themselves in small groups, that they are exposed to
1013 1, XXXIII | RASHLY~The Roman Republic growing in reputation, strength,
1014 2, I | is done in any power that grows, allying themselves with
1015 1, I | beginning have any other growth that those which were conceded
1016 1, V | that those who placed that guardianship in the hands of the Powerful [
1017 1, VIII | commanded by Messer Giovanni Guicciardini, their Commissioner. It
1018 3, XXXIV | in their distribution are guided by what is said of one by
1019 2, XXIV | means of holding that State. Guidobaldo Duke of Urbino, son of Frederick,
1020 1, X | defend Titus, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrai Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus,
1021 1, X | Trajan, Hadrai Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus, and Marcus [
1022 2, XVII | longer possible to come to hand-to-hand fighting, and that wars
1023 1, II | administration later was handed down to their children,
1024 1, V | that Menenius having made a harangue [speech] and complaining
1025 2, XXXII | hundred and fifty years of harassing their neighbors with routs
1026 2, II | is the servitude. And the hardest of all servitudes is that
1027 3, V | have to endure any other hardship than to mirror for themselves
1028 1, LX | said at another time; for hardships cannot be given to men without
1029 1, III | Rome there was a very great harmony between the Plebs and the
1030 1, XL | beats down those whom he hates, and if this man is wise,
1031 1, LIX | was of this kind, which hazarded her own ruin in order to
1032 2, XXXII | which those outside were heaping, so that placing earth outside
1033 2, V | employed against the Gentile [heathen] sect, which has cancelled
1034 2, VI | battle, [and], having imposed heavier conditions on them, they
1035 1, XVI | which often times is more heavy than that which a short
1036 2, VIII | hearing of the coming of the Hebrew people and judging not to
1037 1, XIX | father in fortune, remained heir to the sixth part of the
1038 3, XXVI | marriage contract, in which an heiress about to be married, was
1039 1, XV | crests and plumes on the helmets, and thus arrayed they took
1040 1, XIII | thus Religion well used was helpful both in the capture of that
1041 2, XV | irritated the Romans; and by helping them, the aid being in time,
1042 2, XXIII | spirit and speaking the truth helps, especially when it is spoken
1043 3, II | there swear that they should henceforth suffer no one to reign [
1044 3, XL | of shepherds with a large herd upon the plain; who, being
1045 3, VIII | Romans had taken from the Hernicians; this ambition of his was
1046 3, VI | would be possible which Herodianus says to Plautianus, when
1047 3, XXXIX | ancient writers say that those Heroes who governed the world in
1048 2, V | this knowledge, he would hide it or pervert it in his
1049 3, XIV | plentiful, formed many with the hides of buffaloes and cows, and
1050 2, XXX | Romans continued in this high-minded existence as long as they
1051 1, XLVI | he, persevering without hindrance, becomes of a kind whom
1052 2, IV | this Prince or that, who hires them for undertaking his
1053 1, LVI | the elder, the Duomo was hit in its highest part by a
1054 1, LII | Piero, therefore, could not honestly take up this part in order
1055 1, V | to live free, being less hopeful of usurping it [liberty]
1056 2, XXIII | is prevalent where it is hopeless to look for good faith.
1057 3, XL | fired [the fagots on] the horns of his cattle. A similar
1058 2, II | other similar notable and horrible cases occurred in the said
1059 1, LVIII | begin to hold a thing in horror, they remain in that opinion
1060 1, XLIX | afterwards by Numa, by Tullus Hostilius, and by Servius, and lastly
1061 3, XV | they afforded the enemy [hosts] an opportunity to take
1062 3, XIV | the time the battle was hottest, they should discover and
1063 1, XLVII | Senators have been has so humbled them that you will now find
1064 3, VI | humane act by the Prince humbling them. The failures that
1065 3, VI | that grateful welcome can humiliate you.~Some subjects conspired
1066 3, XVII | government, now with one humor, now with another. The other,
1067 1, LVIII | for me, who, in so many hundreds of years, in so many elections
1068 1, XLVII | arose, and the dangers that hung over them, and the difficulty
1069 2, VIII | were later checked by the Hungarians and the Poles, and they
1070 3, XXI | that both of them were both hurt as well as exalted by this
1071 3, XLIX | conspired against their husbands to kill them, so that many
1072 2, XXIV | spring up as those of the Hydra: if you build fortresses,
1073 1, LIII | are so blinded on these ideas of bravery, that although
1074 1, LV | called Gentlemen who live idly on the provisions of their
1075 1, V | fury they began in time to idolize those men whom they saw
1076 3, XLII | the disarmed army and the ignominies received, the first who
1077 1, X | drift either voluntarily or ignorantly into the ranks of those
1078 1, XXXVIII| none the less weak and ill-advised Republics do not know how
1079 2, XVIII | most part of Gascons and ill-disciplined, they [the Swiss] esteemed
1080 1, LVII | disposed, and if they are ill-disposed, to be able to provide that
1081 1, LIII | times, deceived by a false illusion of good, the People desire
1082 2, IV | the Tuscans (in order to illustrate better the first method)
1083 3, XXV | had not been many times illustrated by other men.~
1084 3, XXXIX | proof by Xenophon, is an image of a war. And because of
1085 2, XXX | people, and to avoid an imaginary rather than a real peril,
1086 1 | without ever thinking of imitating them, believing the imitation
1087 1, IX | ambition, is shown by his immediate institution of a Senate
1088 1, X | times, and burning with an immense desire to follow the good.
1089 2, XXIII | His words were these: The immortal Gods caused you to go where
1090 2, XVIII | quickly. But finding them immovable, having lost many of his
1091 1, XLVII | when they [have to] make impartial judgments. And in examining
1092 3, VIII | men proceed, who, being impatient, cannot delay a passion
1093 3, XLI | listen to no voice more impatiently than that which says: Such
1094 2, XXXIII | so that in place of being impeders of the war, they returned
1095 2, XVIII | went on flanking him and impeding his provisions, [and] by
1096 1, XIII | civil sedition, there was impending that year the danger of [
1097 3, XXIX | historians are these: Timasitheus implanted religion in the multitude,
1098 3, XLIX | thousands of men and women were implicated; and if it had not been
1099 3, XXXV | were drawn into it by your importunity. When you act thusly, it
1100 1, LIII | not blame fortune or the impotence of those who commanded,
1101 2, XIX | comes to ruin. Whoever impoverishes himself in war cannot acquire
1102 2, XXIV | the present time; it was impregnable because of its location
1103 1, XI | designs, being able easily to impress upon them any new form.
1104 1, VIII | debt. These words greatly impressed the Plebs, so that Manlius
1105 3, XLVI | must of necessity make an impression on him, and from that afterwards
1106 1, LIII | times they either kill or imprison them, or exile them, as
1107 3, XVII | parties, of whom some they imprisoned and others they exiled to
1108 3, XXII | assured themselves of him by imprisonment and putting him to death.~
1109 2, VIII | people went out, have now improved their country so that they
1110 3, V | which were marked for public improvements with which the Roman Senate
1111 3, IX | proceeds according to the impulses of his nature. Everybody
1112 2, X | mountain, every lake, every inaccessible place becomes a plain where
1113 1, XLV | with so much desire. He was incarcerated, however, and before the
1114 3, XLVIII | unreasonable that men are so incautious. But often, the desire for
1115 2, XV | explain the ambiguity and incertitude of that which is to be done,
1116 1, XXVII | being publicly [called] incestuous and a parricide, did not
1117 3, XXXII | discussion of peace, they incited the multitude to arm themselves
1118 1, XL | their prey to which nature incites them, that they do not observe
1119 3, XXII | his, to which his nature inclined him, and which are useful
1120 3, IX | resist that to which nature inclines us: The other, that having
1121 1, XVIII | institution of the State included the authority of the People,
1122 2, XXI | living with their laws, including even those who had surrendered
1123 1, LV | as they do not have great incomes from possessions, their
1124 1, IX | just and laudable] remained incompleted. Considering all these things,
1125 1, LVIII | and Princes, where so much inconstancy and recklessness of life
1126 1, VI | Senate, accepting it as an inconvenient necessity in attaining the
1127 3, XXXV | AND HOW MUCH THE DANGER INCREASES WHEN IT IS AN EXTRAORDINARY
1128 1, XII | by the people, men became incredulous and disposed to disturb
1129 2, XV | as I have known many such indecisions to interfere with public
1130 1, II | would be apt to revolve indefinitely among these governments.
1131 1, VI | she could enjoy its state [independence] for a long time. For there
1132 2, IV | which still remained intact [independent], for the reasons which
1133 3, XXXIV | everyone. And because no better index can be had of a man than
1134 3, XIV | useless; as did the King of India against Semiramis, who [
1135 1 | greatest virtu which Historians indicate have been accomplished by
1136 2, IV | there is no example which indicates it has ever been transgressed;
1137 3, XIII | an army without a leader, indicating the weakness of the Captains.
1138 3, VI | love, or to some similar indiscreet person, as did Dinnus, one
1139 3, XVII | had so ungratefully and indiscreetly offended him. And if these
1140 3, XXXVI | for assembling: let them indiscriminately fight by day and by night,
1141 1, LVII | to restrain them: their indispositions from other [causes] are
1142 3, XVII | that the effort required induces them to the second method.~
1143 3, XXXIX | the chase makes those who indulge in it to know in detail
1144 3, XXXI | otherwise; for becoming vain and inebriated by good fortune, they attribute
1145 2, IV | subjects has always been ineffective and to have produced little
1146 3, XV | better, which created an inestimable confusion. And if the causes
1147 1, XXXVI | of such virtu, that his inexperience can be moderated by their
1148 3, XIII | Mithradates, was completely inexpert in war: none the less, that
1149 1 | that they who read take infinitely more pleasure in knowing
1150 3, VI | Pandolfo went to visit an infirm relative, and on his way
1151 2, XXVI | as they are things which inflame and excite the enemy to
1152 3, XXXVI | heat of battle actually inflaming them. The third kind of
1153 1, XLV | of new injuries which it inflicts on this one and that one,
1154 3, XXI | had. So that while they informed Pyrrhus (while he was with
1155 1, X | capital crimes. He will see informers rewarded, servants corrupted
1156 1, LVIII | made those errors which infuriated and unbridled men make,
1157 2, XIII | Empire only by force and ingenuity, but indeed only by fraud,
1158 1, II | between men, censuring the ingrates and honoring those who were
1159 3, XX | of that City, thinking to ingratiate himself with Camillus and
1160 3, XI | other times) there is some inherent evil hidden which causes
1161 3, VI | against the Medici, was the inheritance of Giovanni Borromei, which
1162 3, V | LOSE THE KINGDOM THAT WAS INHERITED BY HIM~Tarquinius Superbus
1163 3, XVII | ancient judgments as partly inhuman, partly impossible of application.
1164 2, XVI | engagement, must have fortune inimical to him three times in order
1165 1, II | servitude, but which [were] initially governed themselves through
1166 2, XV | by their lateness, and it injures oneself. Such decisions
1167 1, VII | even if he has received an injustice, little or no disorder ensues
1168 3, X | engagement by these two methods ins most injurious. The method
1169 3, VI | stake, they are not all insane) when they see themselves
1170 2 | this, human appetites being insatiable (because by nature they
1171 3, XIV | ashamed to flee the smoke like insects, and shouted to them that
1172 1, LIV | attiring himself with the insignia of his rank which he holds
1173 1, XIII | return to Rome, the Romans insinuated that Apollo and certain
1174 2, XVIII | necessary to revive these insinuations [of the ancients], to keep
1175 1, XIII | because of this did not cease insisting in their pertinacity of
1176 1, LIV | mob] as the reverence [inspired] by some man of gravity
1177 3, VIII | authority in a Republic, and install there a bad form of a Government,
1178 3, VI | men as much as when in an instant and without having time,
1179 1, VIII | concourse with them and at his instigation [created] many tumults in
1180 1, XI | never was any extraordinary institutor of laws among a people who
1181 1, IX | by those who desire to be institutors of good laws, [and], this
1182 1, X | considered, it would be very instructive to any Prince in pointing
1183 2, XVII | earthwork which was built insufficiently high, and the French having
1184 2, XII | Hercules the Egyptian, was insuperable as long as he awaited him
1185 3, XX | they liked the humanity and integrity of Camillus so much, that
1186 1, XXIX | authority, which displeased intelligent men as something unheard
1187 3, XII | deceived; they, in their intense desire for present peace,
1188 2, III | EASILY TO HER HONORS~Crescit interea Roma Albae ruinis. [Rome
1189 2, XV | many such indecisions to interfere with public actions, with
1190 2, XXX | subjects who are in the interior of his Empire so as to obtain
1191 1, VI | way would be to organize internally like Sparta, or like Venice
1192 2, XIX | and with his authority by interposing himself as a mediator, quickly
1193 3, II | is seen, first, in his interpretation of the oracle of Apollo,
1194 1, L | the ability of a few to interrupt any of its decisions which
1195 3, VI | unprecedented. Such execution can be interrupted by a false alarm or by an
1196 3, I | in Rome, so great was the interval between him [Regulus] and
1197 1, XXXVII | and with few intervening intervals that his Consulship continued
1198 3, I | the body, unless something intervenes to bring it back to the
1199 1, XXXVII | four times; and with few intervening intervals that his Consulship
1200 3, II | come to delight him. This intimacy will first enable you to
1201 2, VIII | THEIR NATIONAL PLACES AND INUNDATE THE COUNTRY OF OTHERS~Since
1202 2, VIII | of these people have not inundated any country, it arises from
1203 2, V | pestilence, or famine, or from an inundation of water; and the last is
1204 2, V | nothing else. And that these inundations, pestilences, and famines,
1205 3, VI | that men’s minds are thus invaded and confounded, Titus Livius
1206 3, VI | the other of these things invades you, and carried by that
1207 3, XXX | full of accusations and invective against the wise of the
1208 1, I | ships with which they could invest them; so that from a small
1209 1, V | both plebeians, in order to investigate certain conspiracies that
1210 1, LIII | have authority, than to involve them in a brave enterprise:
1211 3, X | entirely destroyed was the irregularity of the country, which prevented
1212 2, XXX | of necessity the cause of irreparable harm and ruin.~And it would
1213 2, XXVI | to speak their insults, irritating them more with words than
1214 1, I | had come to certain small islands situated at the head of
1215 3, I | Cato], and they were so isolated instances, that they could
1216 1, XLV | Tribune Marcus Duellius, who issued an edict that for one year
1217 1, LIV | MOB]~The second notable item mentioned in the text of
1218 3, XVIII | of which the heads were Jacopo Quarto D’Appian, Lord of
1219 1, XV | paint and gilding keep Roman javelins from transfixing shields”.
1220 2, XXI | would quickly have become jealous and would have kept their
1221 3, XII | ambition to dominate and the jealousy of their State; especially
1222 2, XXVII | not want to place it in jeopardy without first having tried
1223 2, XXXII | at Veii, Capua, Carthage, Jerusalem, and similar towns which
1224 2, VIII | Maurusians here fled from before Jesus the robber, son of Narva.
1225 1, LI | Rome went upside down with joy; for it seemed to them to
1226 3, XXXI | know the world better, less joyful in good fortune, and less
1227 3, XLIX | did not hesitate through a judicial decision to put to death
1228 3, XLIV | employed in our times by Pope Julian against the French, and
1229 1, XLI | maintain his tyranny, that of jumping from one quality to another
1230 3, II | singular deed of his, as Junius Brutus merited to be esteemed
1231 1, XII | whom entered the Temple of Juno, and, standing in front
1232 1, XII | of Delphi, the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, and other celebrated
1233 1, XXVII | not dare (even having a justifiable opportunity) to make an
1234 2, IX | with some other pretext and justification, especially knowing that
1235 1, VIII | desperation. And although, to justify himself because there was
1236 2, II | take up arms against his killers; but when they heard that
1237 2, IX | into Italy. This method of kindling new wars has always been
1238 3, II | simulated falling down to kiss the earth, judging by that
1239 3, II | was the first to draw the knife from the wound, and make
1240 3, V | them hard in mechanical labor and all unlike those which
1241 3, XXV | was being spoiled by his laborers. Here two notable things
1242 1, XXI | war were born not only in Lacedemonia, but in every other place
1243 1, V | is better placed. And the Lacedemonians, and in our times the Venetians,
1244 3, XLIV | between the swamps and the lakes of which that region is
1245 2, XXV | So that he had to say, lamenting his enterprise, that the
1246 3, XVIII | it by was of the Val Di Lamona, and occupied the Borgo
1247 3, VI | happened to Giovan Andrea Da Lampognano, who, together with his
1248 3, XIV | soldiers with fire on their lances, so that the Romans, occupied
1249 1, VI | never have to make war, the languidness that should arise would
1250 2, XVIII | minimum part of any of the largest armies. Which usage (together
1251 1, II | others in sumptuousness and lasciviousness and in every other kind
1252 2, XXII | because very often it only lasts a short time: and even if
1253 2, XV | person is helped by their lateness, and it injures oneself.
1254 3, I | begun also to give men more latitude in becoming corrupt, and
1255 1, XLVII | begun to whistle, some to laugh, some to speak ill in one
1256 1, I | thought of it: at which he laughed, and leaving that mountain
1257 2, XI | peace. So that the Consul, laughing at this proposition, in
1258 2, XV | case of the Latins, for the Lavinians seeking their aid against
1259 1, I | of Rome was, and of her Law-givers and how it was organized,
1260 1 | Kings, Captains, Citizens, Lawgivers, and others who have worked
1261 1, II | having fallen to a prudent lawmaker] is compelled to reorganize
1262 1, XXX | derived rather from their laying it down. And thus, not being
1263 3, XXX | himself about to perish, lays aside every ambition and
1264 3, XXXIII | confidence more necessary in leading them into a new country
1265 2, XXXII | down where the embankment leaned against it, drawing inside
1266 2, III | that Republic of his only leather money should be spent, in
1267 3, IV | deceived by the seemingly legal possession of that Kingdom,
1268 3, III | extraordinary authority and legally destroy civil equality.
1269 1, II(1) | House of Representatives or Legislature each acting to check and
1270 1, L | City itself lacked their legitimate judges, nor could they obtain
1271 3, VI | length with Gn. Popilius Lena, one of the conspirators,
1272 3, XXVIII | that private individual by lending them money, marrying their
1273 3, X | fortune of battle than to lengthen the war with so much harm
1274 3, VI | remained avenged him. Chion and Leonidas, of Heraclea, and disciples
1275 1, X | will also learn from this lesson of history how a good Kingdom
1276 2, II | also to be learned from the lessons of history what injury the
1277 3, XXXIX | can exit from here. And lest the enemy about should note
1278 1, XXXVIII| they knew also the evil of letting them arm themselves without
1279 3, XXXIII | that they created Consuls, levied troops, sent out the armies,
1280 3, XXX | that Tuscany had made new levies to come to attack Rome,
1281 1, LI | CHAPTER LI~A REPUBLIC OR A PRINCE OUGHT
1282 1, XIV | through the death of that liar was purged of every blame
1283 3, XL | the Romans either to be liberally set free, or all put to
1284 1, II | they obeyed them as their liberators. And these holding the name
1285 2, XXVIII | not only gave vent to his libido by force, but also to shame
1286 2, XII | shown that Anteus, King of Libya, being assaulted by Hercules
1287 1, II | the nobles and the general licentiousness were suppressed, which had
1288 1, XLV | one year it would not be licit to cite anyone or to accuse
1289 1, XIV | the Pollarius had told a lie, it would come back on him
1290 3, XXXIV | Manlius did in his entire lifetime; for, having defended his
1291 2, XII | He cites Scipio, who, to lift the war from Italy, assaulted
1292 2, XII | becoming aware of this, lifted him high [and] off the ground.
1293 1, LI | that aggravated and not lightened the burden (it being necessary
1294 2, XX | the enemy, will be much lighter than such a proceeding.
1295 1, LVI | in the same manner by a [lightning] stroke. I could cite other
1296 2, I | with any others except the Ligurians and the remnants of the
1297 1, LII | CHAPTER LII~TO REPRIMAND THE INSOLENCE
1298 1, LIII | CHAPTER LIII~THE PEOPLE MANY TIMES DESIRE
1299 | likely
1300 2, XVI | if need be, the first two lines of Principi, and Astati.
1301 3, XVII(4)| Florentines gave a marble lion [attributed to Donatello]
1302 1, XVIII | that the people, having listened to all sides, could then
1303 1, LIV | CHAPTER LIV~HOW MUCH AUTHORITY A GREAT
1304 1 | all those books of Titus Livy which, because of the malignity
1305 1, LIX | CHAPTER LIX~WHICH ALLIANCES OR LEAGUES
1306 3, VI | Tiberius. All of these men were loaded by their Emperors with so
1307 1, XXI | Prince, and not from any local or natural defect: of which
1308 3, XXXIX | the knowledge of sites [localities] in the countries, for without
1309 3, XVII | of Hasdrubal, and having locked him with his army in a place
1310 1, IV | throughout the streets, locking their stores, all the Plebs
1311 1, VIII | throughout the plaza and lodgings [private dwellings]. These
1312 1, XLVII | modesty and equity, and this loftiness of spirit, which once pervaded
1313 1, XLVII | those who went through the loggias and the plazas speaking
1314 1, XII | Great she drove out the Lombards who already were the kings
1315 1, LIX | the other Princes who had looked for more usefulness, and
1316 2, XXV | disunity, and always was the loser. So that he had to say,
1317 3, XIV | and caused them to be the losers of the fight.~
1318 1, LVI | Road], he had heard a voice louder than human which admonished
1319 3, XXII | himself harsh to everyone and loving only the common good, a [
1320 1, XIII | and] with words partly lovingly and partly menacing, showed
1321 3, VI | be seized before he had lowered his arm to wound him. Messer
1322 2, II | highest good in humility, lowliness, and contempt of human things:
1323 3, VI | Syracusan, who, to test the loyalty of anyone of whom he had
1324 2, XXXI | called there by the exiled Lucanians, who had given him the hope
1325 2, XXI | Florentines, the Pisans, the Lucchese, and the Sienese; and this
1326 1, VIII | had been corrupted by the Lucchesi: which calumny, being favored
1327 3, VI | will have the same result.~Lucilla, the sister of Commodus,
1328 3, VI | but even if they were so lucky that such an accuser would
1329 1, VII | noble City of Tuscany, one Lucumones who had violated a sister
1330 3, XLIV | had conducted himself more lukewarmly; for the Marquis, being
1331 3, VI | this be prevented; who, to lull the conspirators to sleep,
1332 3, XX | cruelty or haughtiness, or of luxuriousness, or of any other vice which
1333 1, LV | CHAPTER LV~HOW EASILY THINGS ARE MANAGED
1334 1, LVI | CHAPTER LVI~BEFORE GREAT EVENTS OCCUR
1335 1, LVII | CHAPTER LVII~TOGETHER THE PLEBS ARE STRONG,
1336 1, LVIII | CHAPTER LVIII~THE MULTITUDE IS WISER AND
1337 1, LX | CHAPTER LX~HOW THE CONSULSHIP AND EVERY
1338 2, X | things that Croesus, King of Lydia, showed to Solon the Athenian
1339 2, XVII | site covering them or by lying down on the ground during
1340 2, IV | tells of Philip, King of Macedon, coming to negotiate with
1341 2, XXXII | with rams or with other machines of war of theirs; or they
1342 1, LVIII | can do what he wants is a madman, and a People which can
1343 3, II | VERY WISE THING TO SIMULATE MADNESS~No one was ever so prudent,
1344 3, VI | want to give it up to them, Madonna Caterina (as the Countess
1345 3, XXXIV | which show the lord to be magnanimous, liberal, or just, and which
1346 2 | times, and they amplify and magnify those others that could
1347 1, XIX | the efforts of his father Mahomet, who having like David beaten
1348 3, I | The Parliaments are the maintainers of these laws and ordinances,
1349 3, VI | opened your mind to that malcontent, you give him material to
1350 2, XVIII | like proceeding, said: Quam malem vinctos mini traderent equites,
1351 1, VII | means to give vent to the malignant moods that arise in men,
1352 1, I | Soldan and the order of the Mamelukes, and of their military [
1353 2, I | Camertines into Tuscany, by the Mamertines into Sicily, by the Saguntines
1354 1, XXVI | Province to Province, as the Mandrians [Shepherds] move their sheep.
1355 3, VI | aspire to power without manifesting his mind and designs to
1356 2, XXV | the Senate sent Gnaius Manilus and M. Fabius against them, [
1357 1, X | honor to human generations [mankind], such as are the impious
1358 3, XXII | the ordinary were called Manlian Decrees. Here it is to be
1359 3, XLVI | there are seen that the Manlii were hard and obstinate,
1360 3, XLIV | France against the Marquis of Mantua; for Pope Julius, wanting
1361 2, XVII | defending it with the same [manual] arms as was done anciently,
1362 3, XVIII | and the Count Rinuccio Da Marciano, When these forces were
1363 1, LVIII | friends, and Herod with Mariamne: But that which our Historian
1364 3, V | and those funds which were marked for public improvements
1365 3, XXVIII | individual by lending them money, marrying their daughters, defending
1366 3, VI | trusted friend, the Centurion Martialis, whose brother had been
1367 2, II | destruction of Towns, and massacres suffered by their country.
1368 2, XXXII | as were the Rhodians, the Massileans, and other such Citizens,
1369 2, I | Princes into Asia, and by the Massilians and the Aeduans into Gaul.
1370 2, XIII | King of the Medes, his maternal uncle, to be deceived in
1371 2, XVII | in this, for there is a maxim that where men attack in
1372 2, XI | trusting himself to the Emperor Maximilian, because this is one of
1373 1, X | Emperors from Caesar to Maximinius, sixteen were murdered.
1374 3, XXXVIII| order, and afterwards with maximum confidence lead them into
1375 3, VI | in the Val Di Chiano in MDI [1501], and having learned
1376 1, LIX | side, and with Florence in MDXII [1512] in order to follow
1377 1, VI | them, or you will become so mean that you will become prey
1378 1, LV | And to clarify what is [meant by] this name of Gentleman,
1379 2, XXIII | procedure of not having well measured their strength, as was said
1380 2, XXVII | these without otherwise measuring their resources, they are
1381 2, XIII | made Cyraxes, King of the Medes, his maternal uncle, to
1382 2 | Assyria, it then [moved] to Media, afterwards to Persia, and
1383 2, XIX | interposing himself as a mediator, quickly extinguishes all
1384 3, XLVI | And although many public meetings were held on this question,
1385 3, VI | Athenian, having overcome the Megarians and, because of this, had
1386 3, VI | showed them her genital member, saying that she had the
1387 2, V | persecuted all the ancient memorials, burning the works of the
1388 1, LVI | had been seen in the air men-at-arms battling together. In addition
1389 1, XIII | partly lovingly and partly menacing, showed them [the people]
1390 2, V | as I believe it is ) a mendacious thing.~As to the causes
1391 2, X | conclusion without ever mentioning money. The Campanians had,
1392 1, L | Cincinnatus and Gnaius Julius Mentus were Consuls in Rome, being
1393 1, XXI(3) | Militia, rather than rely on Mercenaries.
1394 2, III | there in order to bring in merchandise or some arts: of a kind
1395 1, XVIII | being shown to them as [mere] conjecture.~As to changing
1396 3, XXXIV | whom he keeps company, and meritedly one who keeps company with
1397 3, X | believed therefore that methods meriting greater praise will arise;
1398 3, VI | Caracalla was with his armies in Mesopotamia, and had for his prefect
1399 2, XII | arrived at the confines of the Messagates to make war against them,
1400 2, XXXIII | the war, they returned as messengers of the conquest and the
1401 2, IX | because of the defense of the Messenians in Sicily which the Romans
1402 2, X | assaulted in the Marca [Metaurus River] by Claudius Nero,
1403 2, XXIII | vain; and above all the middle-way course ought to be avoided,
1404 1, LVI | Senate that, passing at midnight through the Via Nova [New
1405 1, XXI(3) | Establish a National Army or Militia, rather than rely on Mercenaries.
1406 2, XXV | Florentines had made him spend two millions in gold uselessly.~The Veienti
1407 2, XV | Latins were routed. Whence Milonius, their Praetor, said: This
1408 2, XVIII | said: Quam malem vinctos mini traderent equites, that
1409 1, XXV | to exceed the number that ministered to the Kings. In addition
1410 3, VI | having been taken by the Minturnians) was sent a slave who was
1411 1, XXIX | himself from them, is it not a miracle or something worthy of greater
1412 3, VI | time, it is held to be a miraculous thing; as was that of Piso
1413 2, XVII | of Count Lodovico Della Mirandola (who was killed at Ferrara
1414 3, V | any other hardship than to mirror for themselves the lives
1415 1, XXIV | Republic ever cancels the misbehavior of its citizens by their
1416 2 | compensate for the extreme misery, infamy, and disgrace in
1417 3, XXXV | that is acquired from the misfortune that happens to your City
1418 2, XVII | towns means for throwing [missiles], which (if they were not
1419 3, XVI | done some time either by mistake or by way of trial, so many
1420 1, XXXVIII| any other reason than the mistrust of the faith of the King,
1421 3, XXXVI | good discipline, were not mistrusting of victory, fought with
1422 3, XIII | when he was sent against Mithradates, was completely inexpert
1423 1, II | less because he did not mix it [Popular state] with
1424 2, XVIII | descend on foot, making a mock of a like proceeding, said:
1425 1, XXVI | him; he should take as his model Philip of Macedonia, father
1426 3, XIX | But this also ought to be moderate so that hatred is avoided,
1427 1, XXXVI | his inexperience can be moderated by their counsel and authority.
1428 3, XXXV | seen than to take things moderately, and not to undertake any
1429 3, XXXVI | it employs its ardor with moderation and at the right time; and
1430 2, XVIII | examples of the ancients or the moderns, nor the confession of error,
1431 1, XVIII | for other institutions and modes of living ought to be established
1432 1, XVIII | institutions should have been modified.~And that it is true that
1433 2, XIX | for even if she does not molest others, she will be molested:
1434 3, XXXVII | So much influence did the momentous outcome of that fight have
1435 1, LV | impossible. But only an arbiter [monarch] would recognize it, and
1436 1, LIII | discussion he makes in De Monarchia [On Monarchy], that the
1437 1, II | although they passed from a Monarchial government and from an Aristocracy
1438 1, XXXI | Rome] punished them with a monetary fine. Which was done, not
1439 3, XLIII | and paid them the first moneys, and later the second, but
1440 1, XLIV | to the sacred mountain [Mons Sacer]. The Senate sent
1441 3, VI | arrangements, as Giovanbattista da Montesecco did not want to consent
1442 2, XV | protection, and gave the City one month to ratify it. This ratification
1443 3, XII | has been written by some moral Philosophers that the hands
1444 3, X | who being in camp before Moratto, a town of the Swiss, was
1445 3, VI | neck: the wound was not mortal, but from this it is seen
1446 1 | changed the order of their motions and power, from what they
1447 3, VI | came into the Senate, and mouthed villainies at the Senate
1448 1, LV | founded on commerce and movable property: and, in addition,
1449 1, XXXVII | were discussed above. The movers of these disorders were
1450 2, V | superfluous matter, it very often moves by itself and makes a purgation
1451 3, XVIII | toward Casaglia and the Mugello. When morning came, therefore,
1452 3, XIV | followers, and making them mount mule’s and other beasts of burden,
1453 3, XIV | did C. Sulpicius with the muleteers. For where there is intrinsic
1454 2, II | for everyone willingly multiplies those things and seek to
1455 3, I | rare, corruption began to multiply, for, after Marcus Regulus,
1456 2, XXVII | provisions and the other munitions necessary for defense, so
1457 1, XXIV | having erred in wanting to murder Porsenna, King of the Tuscans.
1458 1, XXIV | Horatius Codes and that of Mutius Scaevola are well known;
1459 3, XLVIII | besiege Pisa. Alfonso Del Mutolo, a Pisan citizen, was [found
1460 1, LVIII | For it often occurs in narrating the actions of men to observe
1461 3, I | City, I shall come to the narration and discussion of them,
1462 Gre | my endeavor since these narrations of mine are poor, and of
1463 2, VIII | Jesus the robber, son of Narva. Whence appeared the reason
1464 3, VI | was taken, and with him Natales, another conspirator, with
1465 3, XXXIII | unless those soldiers are natives and live together. It is
1466 3, XLIII | ALL TIME ALMOST THE SAME NATURES~Prudent men usually say (
1467 1, X | None the less, however, nearly all men deceived by a false
1468 1, LIII | activities because of the nearness of the location. Which thing
1469 1, LX | needs no reply, rather it is necessarily disposed of; for in electing
1470 3, VI | Ferrando of Spain in the neck: the wound was not mortal,
1471 1, VI | to live together, so that needing to make laws for themselves,
1472 1, XXVI | who piled good upon the needy, and dismissed the wealthy
1473 3, XXIV | Quintius; but he completely negated this decision, saying that
1474 2, XXX | Romans: and when they replied negatively, Hanno replied; This war
1475 1, XXXVIII| understood him, he began to hold negotiations for the treaty [of surrender]
1476 2, XVII | years ago) and the Duke of Nemours (who was killed at Cirignuola),
1477 1, XXVII | to death his cousins and nephews in order that he could reign
1478 1, X | legions to defend Titus, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrai Trajan,
1479 1, XXXIII | law is begun which is the nerve and life of a free society:
1480 3, XXXIX | would drive them into the nets. This is said to show how
1481 3, XXXVII | engage in some because of the newness of the enemy, he ought to
1482 3, VI | communicated the conspiracy to Nicomachus, a young boy loved by him,
1483 3, XVIII | battle having lasted until nightfall) he who had won believed
1484 1, I | convenience to the sea and of the Nile.~Whoever should examine,
1485 3, XL | that it was at the siege of Nocera. Which was believed by the
1486 2, XXXII | in these fraudulent and nocturnal expeditions than Aratus
1487 1, IV | paid more attention to the noises and shouts that arose in
1488 1, XLI | reappointed: that audacity in nominating himself against the expectation
1489 3, XLVII | many other ways that this nomination was pressed on him; for
1490 3, XXIX | they never punished the non-observers except when they saw there
1491 2, XXIX | however, they did employ some non-tumultuous methods, for they did not
1492 3, XIV | often been seen that the nonobservance of this rule has caused
1493 3, I | bring it back to the sign [normality]. And Doctors of medicine
1494 1, XXIII | these mountains in easy and not-rugged places. And the reason was,
1495 2, XXX | occurrence not only is more noteworthy in this instance, but more
1496 2, XXXIII | did not even give them any notice, even though war was to
1497 1, LX | Consulship, and that they should nourish this hope for a time, without
1498 1, LVI | midnight through the Via Nova [New Road], he had heard
1499 3, XIV | Romans, occupied by the novelty of the thing, would break
1500 1, XVI | to free himself from the nuisance of the Nobles, and to win
1501 3, X | time such a commission is null or harmful; for this conclusion
1502 1, XIII | of bandits and servants numbering four thousand men occupied
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