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While the
affairs of Romagna proceeded thus, the city of Florence was not tranquil. Among
the citizens of highest reputation in the government, was Neri di Gino Capponi,
of whose influence Cosmo de’ Medici had more apprehension than any other; for
to the great authority which he possessed in the city was added his influence
with the soldiery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces he had won
their affection by his courage and talents; and the remembrance of his own and
his father’s victories (the latter having taken Pisa, and he himself having
overcome Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him to be beloved by many, and
feared by those who were averse to having associates in the government. Among
the leaders of the Florentine army was Baldaccio d’Anghiari, an excellent
soldier, for in those times there was not one in Italy who surpassed him in
vigor either of body or mind; and possessing so much influence with the
infantry, whose leader he had always been, many thought they would follow him
wherever he chose to lead them. Baldaccio was the intimate friend of Neri, who
loved him for his talents, of which he had been a constant witness. This
excited great suspicion in the other citizens, who, thinking it alike dangerous
either to discharge or retain him in their service, determined to destroy him,
and fortune seemed to favor their design. Bartolommeo Orlandini was Gonfalonier
of Justice; the same person who was sent to the defense of Marradi, when
Niccolo Piccinino came into Tuscany, as we have related above, and so basely
abandoned the pass, which by its nature was almost impregnable. So flagrant an
instance of cowardice was very offensive to Baldaccio, who, on many occasions,
both by words and letters, had contributed to make the disgraceful fact known
to all. The shame and vexation of Bartolommeo were extreme, so that of all
things he wished to avenge himself, thinking, with the death of his accuser, to
efface the stain upon his character.
This feeling of
Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to other citizens, so that they easily
persuaded him to put Baldaccio to death, and at one avenge himself, and deliver
his country from a man whom they must either retain at great peril, or
discharge to their greater confusion. Bartolommeo having therefore resolved to
murder him, concealed in his own apartment at the palace several young men, all
armed; and Baldaccio, entering the piazza, whither it was his daily custom to
come, to confer with the magistrates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier
sent for him, and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting him in the
corridor, which leads to the chambers of the Signory, they took a few turns
together discoursing of his office, when being close to the door of the
apartments in which the assassins were concealed, Bartolommeo gave them the
signal, upon which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and unarmed,
they slew him, and threw the body out of the window which looks from the palace
toward the dogano, or customhouse. It was thence carried into the piazza, where
the head being severed, it remained the whole day exposed to the gaze of the
people. Baldaccio was married, and had only one child, a boy, who survived him
but a short time; and his wife, Annalena, thus deprived of both husband and
offspring, rejected every proposal for a second union. She converted her house
into a monastery, to which she withdrew, and, being joined by many noble
ladies, lived in holy seclusion to the end of her days. The convent she
founded, and which is named from her, preserves her story in perpetual
remembrance.
This
circumstance served to weaken Neri’s power, and made him lose both influence
and friends. Nor did this satisfy the citizens who held the reins of
government; for it being ten years since their acquisition of power, and the
authority of the Balia expired, many began to exhibit more boldness, both in
words and deeds, than seemed consistent with their safety; and the leaders of
the party judged, that if they wished to preserve their influence, some means
must be adopted to increase it. To this end, in 1444 the councils created a new
Balia, which reformed the government, gave authority to a limited number to
create the Signory, re-established the Chancery of Reformations, depriving
Filippo Peruzzi of his office of president in it, and appointing another wholly
under their influence. They prolonged the term of exile to those who were
banished; put Giovanni di Simone Vespucci in prison; deprived the Accoppiatori
of their enemies of the honors of government, and with them the sons of Piero
Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, Bartolommeo Fortini, Francesco
Castellani, and many others. By these means they strengthened their authority
and influence, and humbled their enemies, or those whom they suspected of being
so.
Having thus
recovered and confirmed their government, they then turned their attention to
external affairs. As observed above, Niccolo Piccinino was abandoned by King
Alfonso, and the count having been aggrandized by the assistance of the
Florentines, attacked and routed him near Fermo, where, after losing nearly the
whole of his troops, Niccolo fled to Montecchio, which he fortified in such a
manner that in a short time he had again assembled so large an army as enabled
him to make head against the count; particularly as the season was now come for
them to withdraw into quarters. His principal endeavor during the winter was to
collect troops, and in this he was assisted both by the pope and Alfonso; so
that, upon the approach of spring, both leaders took the field, and Niccolo,
being the strongest, reduced the count to extreme necessity, and would have
conquered him if the duke had not contrived to frustrate his designs. Filippo
sent to beg he would come to him with all speed, for he wished to have a
personal interview, that he might communicate matters of the highest
importance. Niccolo, anxious to hear them, abandoned a certain victory for a
very doubtful advantage; and leaving his son Francesco to command the army,
hastened to Milan. The count being informed of the circumstance, would not let
slip the opportunity of fighting in the absence of Niccolo; and, coming to an
engagement near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the father’s forces and took
the son prisoner. Niccolo having arrived at Milan saw that the duke had duped
him, and learning the defeat of his army and the capture of his son, he died of
grief in 1445, at the age of sixty-four, having been a brave rather than a
fortunate leader. He left two sons, Francesco and Jacopo, who, possessing less
talent than their father, were still more unfortunate; so that the arms of the
family became almost annihilated, while those of Sforza, being favored by
fortune, attained augmented glory. The pope, seeing Niccolo’s army defeated and
himself dead, having little hope of assistance from Aragon, sought peace with
the count, and, by the intervention of the Florentines, succeeded. Of La Marca,
the pope only retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati; all the rest remained in
the count’s possession.
Peace being
restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy would have obtained repose had it not
been disturbed by the Bolognese. There were in Bologna two very powerful
families, the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. Of the latter, Annibale was the
head; of the former, Battista, who, as a means of confirming their mutual
confidence, had contracted family alliances; but among men who have the same
objects of ambition in view, it is easy to form connections, but difficult to
establish friendship. The Bolognese were in a league with the Venetians and
Florentines, which had been effected by the influence of Annibale, after they
had driven out Francesco Piccinino; and Battista, knowing how earnestly the
duke desired to have the city favorable to him, proposed to assassinate
Annibale, and put Bologna into his power. This being agreed upon, on the
twenty-fifth of June, 1445, he attacked Annibale with his men, and slew him:
and then, with shouts of “the duke, the duke,” rode through the city. The
Venetian and Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at the time, and at first
kept themselves within doors; but finding that the people, instead of favoring
the murderers, assembled in the piazza, armed in great numbers, mourning the death
of Annibale, they joined them; and, assembling what forces they could, attacked
the Canneschi, soon overpowered them, slew part, and drove the remainder out of
the city. Battista, unable to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture,
took refuge in a vault of his house, used for storing grain. The friends of the
Bentivogli, having sought him all day, and knowing he had not left the city, so
terrified his servants, that one of them, a groom, disclosed the place of his
concealment, and being drawn forth in complete armor he was slain, his body
dragged about the streets, and afterward burned. Thus the duke’s authority was
sufficient to prompt the enterprise, but his force was not at hand to support
it.
The tumults
being settled by the death of Battista, and the flight of the Canneschi,
Bologna still remained in the greatest confusion. There not being one of the
house of Bentivogli of age to govern, Annibale having left but one son whose
name was Giovanni, only six years old, it was apprehended that disunion would
ensue among the Bentivogli, and cause the return of the Cannecshi, and the ruin
both of their own country and party. While in this state of apprehension,
Francesco, sometime Count di Poppi, being at Bologna, informed the rulers of
the city, that if they wished to be governed by one of the blood of Annibale,
he could tell them of one; and related that about twenty years ago, Ercole,
cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became acquainted with a girl of the
castle, of whom was born a son named Santi, whom Ercole, on many occasions
acknowledged to be his own, nor could he deny it, for whoever knew him and saw
the boy, could not fail to observe the strongest resemblance. The citizens gave
credit to the tale, and immediately sent to Florence to see the young man, and
procure of Cosmo and Neri permission to return with him to Bologna. The reputed
father of Santi was dead, and he lived under the protection of his uncle, whose
name was Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, childless, and a friend of Neri,
to whom the matter becoming known, he thought it ought neither to be despised
nor too hastily accepted; and that it would be best for Santi and those who had
been sent from Bologna, to confer in the presence of Cosmo. They were
accordingly introduced, and Santi was not merely honored but adored by them, so
greatly were they influenced by the spirit of party. However, nothing was done
at the time, except that Cosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to him thus: “No one
can better advise you in this matter than yourself; for you have to take that
course to which your own mind prompts you. If you be the son of Ercole
Bentivoglio, you will naturally aspire to those pursuits which are proper to
your family and worthy of your father; but if you be the son of Agnolo da Cascese,
you will remain in Florence, and basely spend the remainder of your days in
some branch of the woolen trade.” These words greatly influenced the youth,
who, though he had at first almost refused to adopt such a course, said, he
would submit himself wholly to what Cosmo and Neri should determine. They,
assenting to the request of the Bolognese, provided suitable apparel, horses,
and servants; and in a few days he was escorted by a numerous cavalcade to
Bologna, where the guardianship of Annibale’s son and of the city were placed
in his hands. He conducted himself so prudently, that although all his
ancestors had been slain by their enemies, he lived in peace and died respected
by everyone.
After the death
of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La Marca, Filippo wishing to procure a
leader of his forces, secretly negotiated with Ciarpellone, one of the
principal captains of Count Francesco, and arrangements having been made,
Ciarpellone asked permission to go to Milan to take possession of certain
castles which had been given him by Filippo during the late wars. The count
suspecting what was in progress, in order to prevent the duke from
accommodating himself at his expense, caused Ciarpellone to be arrested, and
soon afterward put to death; alleging that he had been detected plotting
against him. Filippo was highly annoyed and indignant, which the Venetians and
the Florentines were glad to observe, for their greatest fear was, that the
duke and the count should become friends.
The duke’s
anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca. Gismondo Malatesti, lord of
Rimino, being son-in-law of the count, expected to obtain Pesaro; but the
count, having obtained possession, gave it to his brother, Alessandro.
Gismondo, offended at this, was still further exasperated at finding that
Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by the count’s assistance, gained
possession of Urbino. He therefore joined the duke, and solicited the pope and
the king to make war against the count, who, to give Gismondo a taste of the
war he so much desired, resolved to take the initiative, and attacked him
immediately. Thus Romagna and La Marca were again in complete confusion, for
Filippo, the king, and the pope, sent powerful assistance to Gismondo, while
the Florentines and Venetians supplied the count with money, though not with
men. Nor was Filippo satisfied with the war in Romagna, but also desired to
take Cremona and Pontremoli from the count; but Pontremoli was defended by the
Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians. Thus the war was renewed in
Lombardy, and after several engagements in the Cremonese, Francesco Piccinino,
the leader of the duke’s forces, was routed at Casale, by Micheletto and the
Venetian troops. This victory gave the Venetians hope of obtaining the duke’s
dominions. They sent a commissary to Cremona, attacked the Ghiaradadda, and
took the whole of it, except Crema. Then crossing the Adda, they overran the
country as far as Milan. Upon this the duke had recourse to Alfonso, and
entreated his assistance, pointing out the danger his kingdom would incur if
Lombardy were to fall into the hands of the Venetians. Alfonso promised to send
him troops, but apprised him of the difficulties which would attend their
passage, without the permission of the count.
Filippo, driven
to extremity, then had recourse to Francesco, and begged he would not abandon
his father-in-law, now that he had become old and blind. The count was offended
with the duke for making war against him; but he was jealous of the increasing
greatness of the Venetians, and he himself began to be in want of money, for
the League supplied him sparingly. The Florentines, being no longer in fear of
the duke, ceased to stand in need of the count, and the Venetians desired his
ruin; for they thought Lombardy could not be taken from him except by this
means; yet while Filippo sought to gain him over, and offered him the entire
command of his forces, on condition that he should restore La Marca to the pope
and quit the Venetian alliance, ambassadors were sent to him by that republic,
promising him Milan, if they took it, and the perpetual command of their
forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, and prevent Alfonso from sending
troops into Lombardy. The offers of the Venetians were great, as also were
their claims upon him, having begun the war in order to save him from losing
Cremona; while the injuries received from the duke were fresh in his memory,
and his promises had lost all influence, still the count hesitated; for on the
one hand, were to be considered his obligations to the League, his pledged
faith, their recent services, and his hopes of the future, all which had their
influence on him; on the other, were the entreaties of his father-in-law, and
above all, the bane which he feared would be concealed under the specious offers
of the Venetians, for he doubted not, that both with regard to Milan and their
other promises, if they were victorious, he would be at their mercy, to which
no prudent men would ever submit if he could avoid it. These difficulties in
the way of his forming a determination, were obviated by the ambition of the
Venetians, who, seeing a chance of occupying Cremona, from secret intelligence
with that city, under a different pretext, sent troops into its neighborhood;
but the affair was discovered by those who commanded Cremona for the count, and
measures were adopted which prevented its success. Thus without obtaining
Cremona, they lost the count’s friendship, who, now being free from all other
considerations, joined the duke.
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