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The concluding
words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost excitement among the
Venetian senators, and they resolved to send Bernardo Coglione, their general,
to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled, and joined by
Ercole da Esti, who had been sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the
commencement of hostilities, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies
burned the Borgo of Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having
expelled the enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of
Milan, and Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of their
forces Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms with their friends,
their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest
son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in person, each at the head of a suitable
force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the
Florentines, and situated among the roots of the Appennines which descend from
Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few
slight skirmishes took place between the armies; yet, in accordance with the
custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town,
or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement; but each
kept within their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkable
cowardice. This occasioned general dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for
they found themselves involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage
could be derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless proceedings to
those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition; but they replied,
that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo, who possessing
great authority and little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures,
and unwilling to take the advice of those who were more capable; and therefore
any demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticable so long as he
remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that
his presence with the force was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and
of itself sufficient to alarm the enemy; but they considered his own safety and
that of his dominions, much more important than their own immediate
convenience; because so long as the former were safe, the Florentines had
nothing to fear, and all would go well; but if his dominions were to suffer,
they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They assured him they did
not think it prudent for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recently
succeeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies and
suspected neighbors; while any who were desirous of plotting against him, had
an opportunity of doing so with impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to
return to his territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of
the expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence, immediately
withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being now left without any
hindrance, to show that the cause assigned for their inaction was the true one,
pressed the enemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement,
which continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses were
wounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and
with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione
withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king
and duke, each to the territories of their sovereign. As this attempt had not
occasioned any tumult in Florence, contrary to the rebels’ expectation, and the
troops they had hired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and
easily arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope, dispersed
themselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni withdrew to Ferrara, where he
was received and entertained by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo Soderini went to
Ravenna, where, upon a small pension allowed by the Venetians, he grew old and
died. He was considered a just and brave man, but over-cautious and slow to
determine, a circumstance which occasioned him, when Gonfalonier of Justice, to
lose the opportunity of victory which he would have gladly recovered when too
late.
Upon the
restoration of peace, those who remained victorious in Florence, as if unable
to convince themselves they had conquered, unless they oppressed not merely
their enemies, but all whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bardo Altoviti, then
Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprive many of the honors of government, and to
banish several more. They exercised their power so inconsiderately, and
conducted themselves in such an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as if fortune
and the Almighty had given the city up to them for a prey. Piero knew little of
these things, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, on account of
his infirmities; his body being so contracted that he could use no faculty but
that of speech. All he could do was to admonish the leading men, and beg they
would conduct themselves with greater moderation, and not by their violence
effect their country’s ruin. In order to divert the city, he resolved to
celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo with Clarice degli Orsini with great
splendor; and it was accordingly solemnized with all the display suitable to
the exalted rank of the parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations
occupied many days; at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur of the
house of Medici and of the government, two military spectacles were presented,
one performed by men on horseback, who went through the evolutions of a field
engagement, and the other representing the storming of a town; everything being
conducted with admirable order and the greatest imaginable brilliancy.
During these
transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy, though at peace, was filled with
apprehension of the power of the Turks, who continued to attack the Christians,
and had taken Negropont, to the great disgrace and injury of the Christian
name. About this time died Borso, marquis of Ferrara, who was succeeded by his
brother Ercole. Gismondo da Rimini, the inveterate enemy of the church also
expired, and his natural brother Roberto, who was afterward one of the best
generals of Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died, and was succeeded by Sixtus
IV. previously called Francesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin, who
by his talents had become general of the order of St. Francis, and afterward
cardinal. He was the first who began to show how far a pope might go, and how
much that which was previously regarded as sinful lost its iniquity when
committed by a pontiff. Among others of his family were Piero and Girolamo,
who, according to universal belief, were his sons, though he designated them by
terms reflecting less scandal on his character. Piero being a priest, was
advanced to the dignity of a cardinal, with the title of St. Sixtus. To
Girolamo he gave the city of Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose
ancestors had held that territory for many generations. This ambitious method
of procedure made him more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to
obtain his friendship. The duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina to
Girolamo, with the city of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degli
Alidossi, as her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed between the
duke and king Ferrando; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the king’s eldest son,
being united to Giovan Galeazzo, the eldest son of the duke.
Italy being at
peace, the principal employment of her princes was to watch each other, and
strengthen their own influence by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But
in the midst of this repose, Florence endured great oppression from her
principal citizens, and the infirmities of Piero incapacitated him from
restraining their ambition. However, to relieve his conscience, and, if
possible, to make them ashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his house,
and addressed them in the following words: “I never thought a time would come
when the behavior of my friends would compel me to esteem and desire the
society of my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than
victorious; for I believed myself to be associated with those who would set
some bounds to their avarice, and who, after having avenged themselves on their
enemies, and lived in their country with security and honor, would be
satisfied. But now I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted with the
ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours; for, not satisfied with being
masters of so great a city, and possessing among yourselves those honors,
dignities, and emoluments which used to be divided among many citizens; not
contented with having shared among a few the property of your enemies, or with
being able to oppress all others with public burdens, while you yourselves are
exempt from them, and enjoy all the public offices of profit you must still
further load everyone with ill usage. You plunder your neighbors of their
wealth; you sell justice; you evade the law; you oppress the timid and exalt
the insolent. Nor is there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking
examples of violence and avarice as in this city. Has our country fostered us
only to be her destroyer? Have we been victorious only to effect her ruin? Has
she honored us that we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by that faith
which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if you still conduct
yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, I will adopt such measures as
shall cause you bitterly to repent of having misused it.” The reply of the
citizens accorded with the time and circumstances, but they did not forego
their evil practices; so that, in consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli
to come secretly to Cafaggiolo, and discussed with him at great length the
condition of the city; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he
would have called home the exiles as a check upon the rapine of the opposite
party. But these honorable designs were frustrated; for, sinking under bodily
infirmities and mental anguish, he expired in the fifty-third year of his age.
His goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by his country, principally
from his having, until almost the close of his life, been associated with
Cosmo, and the few years he survived being spent in civil discord and constant
debility. Piero was buried in the church of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and
his obsequies were performed with all the pomp and solemnity due to his exalted
station. He left two sons, Lorenzo and Guiliano, whose extreme youth excited
alarm in the minds of thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness
to the republic.
Among the
principal citizens in the government of Florence, and very superior to the
rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose prudence and authority were well known not
only at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero’s death, the whole city looked
up to him; many citizens waited upon him at his own house, as the head of the
government, and several princes addressed him by letter; but he, impartially
estimating his own fortune and that of the house of Medici, made no reply to
the princes’ communications, and told the citizens, it was not his house, but
that of the Medici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions the
sincerity and integrity of his advice he assembled all the heads of noble
families in the convent of St. Antonio, whither he also brought Lorenzo and
Guiliano de’ Medici, and in a long and serious speech upon the state of the
city, the condition of Italy, and the views of her princes, he assured them,
that if they wished to live in peace and unity in Florence, free both from
internal dissensions and foreign wars, it would be necessary to respect the
sons of Piero and support the reputation of their house; for men never regret
their continuance in a course sanctioned by custom while new methods are soon
adopted and as speedily set aside; and it has always been found easier to
maintain a power which by its continuance has outlived envy, than to raise a
new one, which innumerable unforeseen causes may overthrow. When Tommaso had
concluded, Lorenzo spoke, and, though young, with such modesty and discretion
that all present felt a presentiment of his becoming what he afterward proved
to be; and before the citizens departed they swore to regard the youths as
their sons, and the brothers promised to look upon them as their parents. After
this, Lorenzo and Guiliano were honored as princes, and resolved to be guided
by the advice of Tommaso Soderini.
While profound
tranquillity prevailed both at home and abroad, no wars disturbing the general
repose, there arose an unexpected disturbance, which came like a presage of
future evils. Among the ruined families of the party of Luca Pitti, was that of
the Nardi; for Salvestro and his brothers, the heads of the house, were
banished and afterward declared rebels for having taken part in the war under
Bartolommeo Coglione. Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt,
and bold, and on account of his poverty being unable to alleviate the sorrows
of exile, while the peace extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, he
determined to attempt some means of rekindling the war; for a trifling
commencement often produces great results, and men more readily prosecute what
is already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardo had many
acquaintances at Prato, and still more in the district of Pistoia, particularly
among the Palandra, a family which, though rustic, was very numerous, and, like
the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up to slaughter and war. These he knew to be
discontented, on account of the Florentine magistrates having endeavored,
perhaps too severely, to check their partiality for inveterate feuds and
consequence bloodshed. He was also aware that the people of Prato considered
themselves injured by the pride and avarice of their governors, and that some
were ill disposed toward Florence; therefore all things considered, he hoped to
be able to kindle a fire in Tuscany (should Prato rebel) which would be
fostered by so many, that those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in
the attempt. He communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and asked him, in
case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato, what assistance might
be expected from the princes of Italy, by his means? Diotisalvi considered the
enterprise as imminently dangerous, and almost impracticable; but since it
presented a fresh chance of attaining his object, at the risk of others, he
advised him to proceed, and promised certain assistance from Bologna and
Ferrara, if he could retain Prato not less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom
this promise inspired with a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to
Prato, and communicated with those most disposed to favor him, among whom were
the Palandra; and having arranged the time and plan, informed Diotisalvi of
what had been done.
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