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Cesare Petrucci
held the office of Provost of Prato for the Florentine people, at this period.
It is customary with governors of towns, similarly situated, to keep the keys
of the gates near their persons; and whenever, in peaceful times, they are
required by any of the inhabitants, for entrance or exit, they are usually
allowed to be taken. Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak,
presented himself at the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accompanied by the
Palandra and about one hundred persons, all armed. Their confederates within
the town also armed themselves, and one of them asked the governor for the
keys, alleging, as a pretext, that some one from the country wished to enter.
The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent a servant with
them. When at a convenient distance, they were taken by the conspirators, who,
opening the gates, introduced Bernardo and his followers. They divided
themselves into two parties, one of which, led by Salvestro, an inhabitant of
Prato, took possession of the citadel; the other following Bernardo, seized the
palace, and placed Cesare with all his family in the custody of some of their
number. They then raised the cry of liberty, and proceeded through the town. It
was now day, and many of the inhabitants hearing the disturbance, ran to the
piazza where, learning that the fortress and the palace were taken and the
governor with all his people made prisoners, they were utterly astonished, and
could not imagine how it had occurred. The eight citizens, possessing the
supreme authority, assembled in their palace to consider what was best to be
done. In the meantime, Bernardo and his followers, on going round the town,
found no encouragement, and being told that the Eight had assembled, went and
declared the nature of their enterprise, which he said was to deliver the
country from slavery, reminding them how glorious it would be for those who
took arms to effect such an honorable object, for they would thus obtain
permanent repose and everlasting fame. He called to recollection their ancient
liberty and present condition, and assured them of certain assistance, if they
would only, for a few days, aid in resisting the forces the Florentines might
send against them. He said he had friends in Florence who would join them as
soon as they found the inhabitants resolved to support him. His speech did not
produce the desired effect upon the Eight, who replied that they knew not
whether Florence was free or enslaved, for that was a matter which they were
not called upon to decide; but this they knew very well, that for their own
part, they desired no other liberty than to obey the magistrates who governed
Florence, from whom they had never received any injury sufficient to make them
desire a change. They therefore advised him to set the governor at liberty,
clear the place of his people, and, as quickly as possible, withdraw from the
danger he had so rashly incurred. Bernardo was not daunted by these words, but
determined to try whether fear could influence the people of Prato, since
entreaties produced so little effect. In order to terrify them, he determined
to put Cesare to death, and having brought him out of prison, ordered him to be
hanged at the windows of the palace. He was already led to the spot with a
halter around his neck, when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten his
end, he turned to him, and said: “Bernardo, you put me to death, thinking that
the people of Prato will follow you; but the direct contrary will result; for
the respect they have for the rectors which the Florentine people send here is
so great, that as soon as they witness the injury inflicted upon me, they will
conceive such a disgust against you as will inevitably effect your ruin.
Therefore, it is not by my death, but by the preservation of my life, that you
can attain the object you have in view; for if I deliver your commands, they
will be much more readily obeyed, and following your directions, we shall soon
attain the completion of your design.” Bernardo, whose mind was not fertile in
expedients, thought the advice good, and commanded Cesare, on being conducted
to a veranda which looked upon the piazza, to order the people of Prato to obey
him, and having done which, Cesare was led back to prison.
The weakness of
the conspirators was obvious; and many Florentines residing in the town,
assembled together, among whom, Giorgio Ginori, a knight of Rhodes, took arms
first against them, and attacked Bernardo, who traversed the piazza,
alternately entreating and threatening those who refused to obey him, and being
surrounded by Giorgio’s followers, he was wounded and made prisoner. This being
done, it was easy to set the governor at liberty and subdue the rest, who being
few, and divided into several parties, were nearly all either secured or slain.
An exaggerated report of these transactions reached Florence, it being told
there that Prato was taken, the governor and his friends put to death, and the
place filled with the enemy; and that Pistoia was also in arms, and most of the
citizens in the conspiracy. In consequence of this alarming account, the palace
as quickly filled with citizens, who consulted with the Signory what course
ought to be adopted. At this time, Roberto da San Severino, one of the most
distinguished generals of this period, was at Florence, and it was therefore
determined to send him, with what forces could be collected, to Prato, with
orders that he should approach the place, particularly observe what was going
on, and provide such remedies as the necessity of the case and his own prudence
should suggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi, when he was
met by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo was taken,
his followers either dispersed or slain, and everything restored to order. He
consequently returned to Florence, whither Bernardo was shortly after conveyed,
and when questioned by the magistracy concerning the real motives of such a
weak conspiracy, he said, he had undertaken it, because, having resolved to die
in Florence rather than live in exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by
some memorable action.
This
disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same time, the
citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping to enjoy, without
anxiety, the state they had now established and confirmed. Hence arose many of
those evils which usually result from peace; for the youth having become more
dissolute than before, more extravagant in dress, feasting, and other
licentiousness, and being without employment, wasted their time and means on
gaming and women; their principal study being how to appear splendid in
apparel, and attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse; he who could make the
most poignant remark being considered the wisest, and being most respected.
These manners derived additional encouragement from the followers of the duke
of Milan, who, with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to
fulfill a vow, came to Florence, where he was received with all the pomp and respect
due to so great a prince, and one so intimately connected with the Florentine
people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed an unprecedented exhibition; for,
during Lent, when the church commands us to abstain from animal food, the
Milanese, without respect for either God or his church, ate of it daily. Many
spectacles were exhibited in honor of the duke, and among others, in the temple
of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy Ghost among the
apostles; and in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occasion, some
of the woodwork became ignited, and the church was completely destroyed by the
flames. Many thought that the Almighty being offended at our misconduct, took
this method of signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke found the
city full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable to well-regulated
conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens thought it
necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law to put a stop to
extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.
In the midst of
this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance arose in Tuscany.
Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an alum-mine in their district, and
being aware of the profit derivable from it, in order to obtain the means of
working and securing it, they applied to some Florentines, and allowed them to
share in the profits. This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at
first excited little attention from the people of Volterra; but in time, finding
the profits derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlessly
endeavored to effect what at first might have been easily accomplished. They
began by agitating the question in their councils, declaring it grossly
improper that a source of wealth discovered in the public lands should be
converted to the emolument of private individuals. They next sent advocates to
Florence, and the question was referred to the consideration of certain
citizens, who, either through being bribed by the party in possession, or from
a sincere conviction, declared the aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust
in desiring to deprive their citizens of the fruit of their labor; and decided
that the alum-pit was the rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought it;
but, at the same time, recommended them to pay an annual sum by way of
acknowledgment to the city. This answer instead of abating, served only to
increase the animosities and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entire attention
both in the councils and throughout the city; the people demanding the
restitution of what they considered their due, and the proprietors insisting
upon their right to retain what they had originally acquired, and what had been
subsequently been confirmed to them by the decision of the Florentines. In the
midst of these disturbances, a respectable citizen, named Il Pecorino, was
killed, together with several others, who had embraced the same side, whose
houses were also plundered and burned; and the fury of the mob rose to such a
height, that they were with difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine
rectors to death.
After the first outrage,
the Volterrani immediately determined to send ambassadors to Florence, who
intimated, that if the Signory would allow them their ancient privileges, the
city would remain subject to them as formerly. Many and various were the
opinions concerning the reply to be made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they
should accept the submission of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions
with which they were disposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable and
unwise to kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own dwelling; he
suspected the pope’s ambition, and was apprehensive of the power of the king;
nor could he confide in the friendship either of the duke or the Venetians,
having no assurance of the sincerity of the latter, or the valor of the former.
He concluded by quoting that trite proverb, “Meglio un magro accordo che una
grassa vittoria.”2 On the other hand, Lorenzo de’ Medici, thinking this
an opportunity for exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously
supported by those who envied the influence of Tommaso Soderini, resolved to
march against them, and punish the arrogance of the people of Volterra with
arms; declaring that if they were not made a striking example, others would,
without the least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similar
course. The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told that they
could not demand the observance of conditions which they themselves had broken,
and therefore must either submit to the direction of the Signory or expect war.
With this answer they returned to their city, and prepared for its defense;
fortifying the place, and sending to all the princes of Italy to request
assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Siennese and the lord of
Piombino, who gave them some hope of aid. The Florentines on the other hand,
thinking success dependent principally upon celerity, assembled ten thousand
foot and two thousand horse, who, under the command of Federigo, lord of
Urbino, marched into the country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession
of it. They then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation,
and precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass near
the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for their defense
about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the great superiority of the
Florentines, found the place untenable, and were tardy in their defensive
operations, but indefatigable in the constant injuries they committed upon the
people of the place. Thus these poor citizens were harassed by the enemy
without, and by their own soldiery within; so, despairing of their safety, they
began to think of a capitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms,
submitted to the discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the
gates to be opened, and introduced the greater part of their forces. They then
proceeded to the palace, and commanded the priors to retire to their homes;
and, on the way thither, one of them was in derision stripped by the soldiers.
From this beginning (so much more easily are men predisposed to evil than to
good) originated the pillage and destruction of the city; which for a whole day
suffered the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared;
and the soldiery, those engaged for its defense as well as its assailants,
plundered all that came within their reach. The news of this victory was
received with great joy at Florence, and as the expedition had been undertaken
wholly by the advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which one
of the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advice he had
given, asked him what he thought of the taking of Volterra; to which he
replied, “To me the place seems rather lost than won; for had it been received
on equitable terms, advantage and security would have been the result; but
having to retain it by force it will in critical junctures, occasion weakness
and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury and expense.”
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