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During these
events in Lombardy, the pope sent Lorenzo to invest Citta di Castello, for the
purpose of expelling Niccolo Vitelli, the place having been abandoned to him by
the League, for the purpose of inducing the pontiff to join them. During the
siege, Niccolo’s troops were led out against the papal forces and routed them.
Upon this the pope recalled the Count Girolamo from Lombardy with orders first
to recruit his army at Rome, and then proceed against Citta di Castello. But
thinking afterward, that it would be better to obtain Niccolo Vitello as his
friend than to renew hostilities with him, an arrangement was entered into by which
the latter retained Citta di Castello, and the pope pacified Lorenzo as well as
he could. He was induced to both these measures rather by his apprehension of
fresh troubles than by his love of peace, for he perceived dissensions arising
between the Colonessi and the Orsini.
In the war
between the king of Naples and the pope, the former had taken the district of
Tagliacozzo from the Orsini, and given it to the Colonnesi, who had espoused
his cause. Upon the establishment of peace, the Orsini demanded its restoration
by virtue of the treaty. The pope had frequently intimated to the Colonnesi
that it ought to be restored; but they, instead of complying with the
entreaties of the Orsini, or being influenced by the pope’s threats, renewed
hostilities against the former. Upon this the pontiff, unable to endure their
insolence, united his own forces with those of the Orsini, plundered the houses
they possessed in Rome, slew or made prisoners all who defended them, and
seized most of their fortresses. So that when these troubles were composed, it
was rather by the complete subjugation of one party than from any desire for
peace in the other.
Nor were the
affairs of Genoa or of Tuscany in repose, for the Florentines kept the Count
Antonio da Marciano on the borders of Serezana; and while the war continued in
Lombardy, annoyed the people of Serezana by inroads and light skirmishes.
Battistino Fregoso, doge of Genoa, trusting to Pagolo Fregoso, the archbishop,
was taken prisoner, with his wife and children, by the latter, who assumed the
sovereignty of the city. The Venetian fleet had attacked the kingdom of Naples,
taken Gallipoli, and harassed the neighboring places. But upon the peace of
Lombardy, all tumults were hushed except those of Tuscany and Rome; for the pope
died in five days after its declaration, either in the natural course of
things, or because his grief for peace, to which he was always opposed,
occasioned his end.
Upon the
decease of the pontiff, Rome was immediately in arms. The Count Girolamo
withdrew his forces into the castle; and the Orsini feared the Colonnesi would
avenge the injuries they had recently sustained. The Colonnesi demanded the
restitution of their houses and castles, so that in a few days robberies,
fires, and murders prevailed in several parts of the city. The cardinals
entreated the count to give the castle into the hands of the college, withdraw
his troops, and deliver Rome from the fear of his forces, and he, by way of
ingratiating himself with the future pontiff obeyed, and retired to Imola. The
cardinals, being thus divested of their fears, and the barons hopeless of
assistance in their quarrels, proceeded to create a new pontiff, and after some
discussion, Giovanni Batista Cibo, a Genoese, cardinal of Malfetta, was
elected, and took the name of Innocent VIII. By the mildness of his disposition
(for he was peaceable and humane) he caused a cessation of hostilities, and for
the present restored peace to Rome.
The
Florentines, after the pacification of Lombardy, could not remain quiet; for it
appeared disgraceful that a private gentleman should deprive them of the
fortress of Serezana; and as it was allowed by the conditions of peace, not
only to demand lost places, but to make war upon any who should impede their
restoration, they immediately provided men and money to undertake its recovery.
Upon this, Agostino Fregoso, who had seized Serezana, being unable to defend
it, gave the fortress to the Bank of St. Giorgio. As we shall have frequent
occasion to speak of St. Giorgio and the Genoese, it will not be improper,
since Genoa is one of the principal cities of Italy, to give some account of
the regulations and usages prevailing there. When the Genoese had made peace
with the Venetians, after the great war, many years ago, the republic, being
unable to satisfy the claims of those who had advanced large sums of money for
its use, conceded to them the revenue of the Dogano or customhouse, so that
each creditor should participate in the receipts in proportion to his claim,
until the whole amount should be liquidated, and as a suitable place for their
assembling, the palace over the Dogano was assigned for their use. These
creditors established a form of government among themselves, appointing a
council of one hundred persons for the direction of their affairs, and a
committee of eight, who, as the executive body, should carry into effect the
determinations of the council. Their credits were divided into shares, called Luoghi,
and they took the title of the Bank, or Company of St. Giorgio. Having thus
arranged their government, the city fell into fresh difficulties, and applied
to San Giorgio for assistance, which, being wealthy and well managed, was able
to afford the required aid. On the other hand, as the city had at first
conceded the customs, she next began to assign towns, castles, or territories,
as security for moneys received; and this practice has proceeded to such a
length, from the necessities of the state, and the accommodation by the San
Giorgio, that the latter now has under its administration most of the towns and
cities in the Genoese dominion. These the Bank governs and protects, and every
year sends its deputies, appointed by vote, without any interference on the
part of the republic. Hence the affections of the citizens are transferred from
the government to the San Giorgio, on account of the tyranny of the former, and
the excellent regulations adopted by the latter. Hence also originate the
frequent changes of the republic, which is sometimes under a citizen, and at
other times governed by a stranger; for the magistracy, and not the San
Giorgio, changes the government. So when the Fregosi and the Adorni were in
opposition, as the government of the republic was the prize for which they
strove, the greater part of the citizens withdrew and left it to the victor.
The only interference of the Bank of St. Giorgio is when one party has obtained
a superiority over the other, to bind the victor to the observance of its laws,
which up to this time have not been changed; for as it possesses arms, money,
and influence, they could not be altered without incurring the imminent risk of
a dangerous rebellion. This establishment presents an instance of what in all
the republics, either described or imagined by philosophers, has never been thought
of; exhibiting within the same community, and among the same citizens, liberty
and tyranny, integrity and corruption, justice and injustice; for this
establishment preserves in the city many ancient and venerable customs; and
should it happen (as in time it easily may) that the San Giorgio should have
possession of the whole city, the republic will become more distinguished than
that of Venice.
Agostino
Fregoso conceded Serezana to the San Giorgio, which readily accepted it,
undertook its defense, put a fleet to sea, and sent forces to Pietra Santa to
prevent all attempts of the Florentines, whose camp was in the immediate
vicinity. The Florentines found it would be essentially necessary to gain
possession of Pietra Santa, for without it the acquisition of Serezana lost
much of its value, being situated between the latter place and Pisa; but they
could not, consistently with the treaty, besiege it, unless the people of
Pietra Santa, or its garrison, were to impede their acquisition of Serezana. To
induce the enemy to do this, the Florentines sent from Pisa to the camp a
quantity of provisions and military stores, accompanied by a very weak escort;
that the people of Pietra Santa might have little cause for fear, and by the
richness of the booty be tempted to the attack. The plan succeeded according to
their expectation; for the inhabitants of Pietra Santa, attracted by the rich
prize took possession of it.
This gave
legitimate occasion to the Florentines to undertake operations against them; so
leaving Serezana they encamped before Pietra Santa, which was very populous,
and made a gallant defense. The Florentines planted their artillery in the
plain, and formed a rampart upon the hill, that they might also attack the
place on that side. Jacopo Guicciardini was commissary of the army; and while
the siege of Pietra Santa was going on, the Genoese took and burned the
fortress of Vada, and, landing their forces, plundered the surrounding country.
Biongianni Gianfigliazzi was sent against them, with a body of horse and foot,
and checked their audacity, so that they pursued their depredations less
boldly. The fleet continuing its efforts went to Livorno, and by pontoons and
other means approached the new tower, playing their artillery upon it for
several days, but being unable to make any impression they withdrew.
In the meantime
the Florentines proceeded slowly against Pietra Santa, and the enemy taking
courage attacked and took their works upon the hill. This was effected with so
much glory, and struck such a panic into the Florentines, that they were almost
ready to raise the siege, and actually retreated a distance of four miles; for
their generals thought that they would retire to winter quarters, it being now
October, and make no further attempt till the return of spring.
When the
discomfiture was known at Florence, the government was filled with indignation;
and, to impart fresh vigor to the enterprise, and restore the reputation of
their forces, they immediately appointed Antonio Pucci and Bernardo del Neri
commissaries, who, with vast sums of money, proceeded to the army, and
intimated the heavy displeasure of the Signory, and of the whole city, if they
did not return to the walls; and what a disgrace, if so large an army and so
many generals, having only a small garrison to contend with, could not conquer
so poor and weak a place. They explained the immediate and future advantages
that would result from the acquisition, and spoke so forcibly upon the subject,
that all became anxious to renew the attack. They resolved, in the first place,
to recover the rampart upon the hill; and here it was evident how greatly
humanity, affability, and condescension influence the minds of soldiers; for
Antonio Pucci, by encouraging one and promising another, shaking hands with this
man and embracing that, induced them to proceed to the charge with such
impetuosity, that they gained possession of the rampart in an instant. However,
the victory was not unattended by misfortune, for Count Antonio da Marciano was
killed by a cannon shot. This success filled the townspeople with so much
terror, that they began to make proposals for capitulation; and to invest the
surrender with imposing solemnity, Lorenzo de’ Medici came to the camp, when,
after a few days, the fortress was given up. It being now winter, the leaders
of the expedition thought it unadvisable to make any further effort until the
return of spring, more particularly because the autumnal air had been so
unhealthy that numbers were affected by it. Antonio Pucci and Biongianni Gianfigliazzi
were taken ill and died, to the great regret of all, so greatly had Antonio’s
conduct at Pietra Santa endeared him to the army.
Upon the taking
of Pietra Santa, the Lucchese sent ambassadors to Florence, to demand its
surrender to their republic, on account of its having previously belonged to
them, and because, as they alleged, it was in the conditions that places taken
by either party were to be restored to their original possessors. The
Florentines did not deny the articles, but replied that they did not know
whether, by the treaty between themselves and the Genoese, which was then under
discussion, it would have to be given up or not, and therefore could not reply
to that point at present; but in case of its restitution, it would first be necessary
for the Lucchese to reimburse them for the expenses they had incurred and the
injury they had suffered, in the death of so many citizens; and that when this
was satisfactorily arranged, they might entertain hopes of obtaining the place.
The whole winter
was consumed in negotiations between the Florentines and Genoese, which, by the
pope’s intervention, were carried on at Rome; but not being concluded upon the
return of spring, the Florentines would have attacked Serezana had they not
been prevented by the illness of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and the war between the
pope and King Ferrando; for Lorenzo was afflicted not only by the gout, which
seemed hereditary in his family, but also by violent pains in the stomach, and
was compelled to go the baths for relief.
The more
important reason was furnished by the war, of which this was the origin. The
city of L’Aquila, though subject to the kingdom of Naples, was in a manner
free; and the Count di Montorio possessed great influence over it. The duke of
Calabria was upon the banks of the Tronto with his men-at-arms, under pretense
of appeasing some disturbances among the peasantry; but really with a design of
reducing L’Aquila entirely under the king’s authority, and sent for the Count
di Montorio, as if to consult him upon the business he pretended then to have
in hand. The count obeyed without the least suspicion, and on his arrival was
made prisoner by the duke and sent to Naples. When this circumstance became
known at L’Aquila, the anger of the inhabitants arose to the highest pitch;
taking arms they killed Antonio Cencinello, commissary for the king, and with
him some inhabitants known partisans of his majesty. The L’Aquilani, in order
to have a defender in their rebellion, raised the banner of the church, and sent
envoys to the pope, to submit their city and themselves to him, beseeching that
he would defend them as his own subjects against the tyranny of the king. The
pontiff gladly undertook their defense, for he had both public and private
reasons for hating that monarch; and Signor Roberto of San Severino, an enemy
of the duke of Milan, being disengaged, was appointed to take the command of
his forces, and sent for with all speed to Rome. He entreated the friends and
relatives of the Count di Montorio to withdraw their allegiance from the king,
and induced the princes of Altimura, Salerno, and Bisignano to take arms
against him. The king, finding himself so suddenly involved in war, had
recourse to the Florentines and the duke of Milan for assistance. The Florentines
hesitated with regard to their own conduct, for they felt all the inconvenience
of neglecting their own affairs to attend to those of others, and hostilities
against the church seemed likely to involve much risk. However, being under the
obligation of a League, they preferred their honor to convenience or security,
engaged the Orsini, and sent all their own forces under the Count di Pitigliano
toward Rome, to the assistance of the king. The latter divided his forces into
two parts; one, under the duke of Calabria, he sent toward Rome, which, being
joined by the Florentines, opposed the army of the church; with the other,
under his own command, he attacked the barons, and the war was prosecuted with
various success on both sides. At length, the king, being universally
victorious, peace was concluded by the intervention of the ambassadors of the
king of Spain, in August, 1486, to which the pope consented; for having found
fortune opposed to him he was not disposed to tempt it further. In this treaty
all the powers of Italy were united, except the Genoese, who were omitted as
rebels against the republic of Milan, and unjust occupiers of territories
belonging to the Florentines. Upon the peace being ratified, Roberto da San
Severino, having been during the war a treacherous ally of the church, and by
no means formidable to her enemies, left Rome; being followed by the forces of
the duke and the Florentines, after passing Cesena, found them near him, and
urging his flight reached Ravenna with less than a hundred horse. Of his
forces, part were received into the duke’s service, and part were plundered by
the peasantry. The king, being reconciled with his barons, put to death Jacopo
Coppola and Antonello d’Aversa and their sons, for having, during the war, betrayed
his secrets to the pope.
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