Book V
1 Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius
being consuls [54 B.C.], Caesar, when departing from his winter quarters into
Italy, as he had been accustomed to do yearly, commands the lieutenants whom he
appointed over the legions to take care that during the winter as many ships as
possible should be built, and the old repaired. He plans the size and shape of them.
For dispatch of lading, and for drawing them on shore, he makes them a little
lower than those which we have been accustomed to use in our sea; and that so
much the more, because he knew that, on account of the frequent changes of the
tide, less swells occurred there; for the purpose of transporting burdens and a
great number of horses, [he makes them] a little broader than those which we
use in other seas. All these he orders to be constructed for lightness and
expedition, to which object their lowness contributes greatly. He orders those
things which are necessary for equipping ships to be brought thither from
Spain. He himself, on the assizes of Hither Gaul being concluded, proceeds into
Illyricum, because he heard that the part of the province nearest them was
being laid waste by the incursions of the Pirustae. When he had arrived there,
he levies soldiers upon the states, and orders them to assemble at an appointed
place. Which circumstance having been reported [to them], the Pirustae send
embassadors to him to inform him that no part of those proceedings was done by
public deliberation, and assert that they were ready to make compensation by
all means for the injuries [inflicted]. Caesar, accepting their defense,
demands hostages, and orders them to be brought to him on a specified day, and
assures them that unless they did so he would visit their state with war. These
being brought to him on the day which he had ordered, he appoints arbitrators
between the states, who should estimate the damages and determine the
reparation.
2
These things being finished, and the assizes being concluded, he returns into
Hither Gaul, and proceeds thence to the army. When he had arrived there, having
made a survey of the winter quarter, he finds that, by the extraordinary ardor
of the soldiers, amid the utmost scarcity of all materials, about six hundred
ships of that kind which we have described above and twenty-eight ships of war,
had been built, and were not far from that state, that they might be launched
in a few days. Having commended the soldiers and those who had presided over
the work, he informs them what he wishes to be done, and orders all the ships
to assemble at port Itius, from which port he had learned that the passage into
Britain was shortest, [being only] about thirty miles from the continent. He
left what seemed a sufficient number of soldiers for that design; he himself
proceeds into the territories of the Treviri with four legions without baggage,
and 800 horse, because they neither came to the general diets [of Gaul], nor
obeyed his commands, and were moreover, said to be tampering with the Germans
beyond the Rhine.
3
This state is by far the most powerful of all Gaul in cavalry, and has great
forces of infantry, and as we have remarked above, borders on the Rhine. In
that state, two persons, Indutiomarus and Cingetorix, were then contending with
each other for the supreme power; one of whom, as soon as the arrival of Caesar
and his legions was known, came to him; assures him that he and all his party
would continue in their allegiance, and not revolt from the alliance of the
Roman people, and informs him of the things which were going on among the
Treviri. But Indutiomarus began to collect cavalry and infantry, and make
preparations for war, having concealed those who by reason of their age could
not be under arms, in the forest Arduenna, which is of immense size, [and]
extends from the Rhine across the country of the Treviri to the frontiers of
the Remi. But after that, some of the chief persons of the state, both
influenced by their friendship for Cingetorix, and alarmed at the arrival of
our army, came to Caesar and began to solicit him privately about their own
interests, since they could not provide for the safety of the state;
Indutiomarus, dreading lest he should be abandoned by all, sends embassadors to
Caesar, to declare that he absented himself from his countrymen, and refrained
from coming to him on this account, that he might the more easily keep the
state in its allegiance, lest on the departure of all the nobility the
commonalty should, in their indiscretion, revolt. And thus the whole state was
at his control; and that he, if Caesar would permit, would come to the camp to
him, and would commit his own fortunes and those of the state to his good
faith.
4
Caesar, though he discerned from what motive these things were said, and what
circumstances deterred him from his meditated plan, still, in order that he
might not be compelled to waste the summer among the Treviri, while all things
were prepared for the war with Britain, ordered Indutiomarus to come to him
with 200 hostages. When they were brought, [and] among them his son and near
relations, whom he had demanded by name, he consoled Indutiomarus, and enjoined
him to continue in his allegiance; yet, nevertheless, summoning to him the
chief men of the Treviri, he reconciled them individually to Cingetorix: this
he both thought should be done by him in justice to the merits of the latter,
and also judged that it was of great importance that the influence of one whose
singular attachment toward him he had fully seen, should prevail as much as
possible among his people. Indutiomarus was very much offended at this act,
[seeing that] his influence was diminished among his countrymen; and he, who
already before had borne a hostile mind toward us, was much more violently
inflamed against us through resentment at this.
5
These matters being settled, Caesar went to port Itius with the legions. There
he discovers that forty ships, which had been built in the country of the
Meldi, having been driven back by a storm, had been unable to maintain their course,
and had returned to the same port from which they had set out; he finds the
rest ready for sailing, and furnished with every thing. In the same place, the
cavalry of the whole of Gaul, in number 4,000, assembles, and [also] the chief
persons of all the states; he had determined to leave in Gaul a very few of
them, whose fidelity toward him he had clearly discerned, and take the rest
with him as hostages; because he feared a commotion in Gaul when he should be
absent.
6
There was together with the others, Dumnorix, the Aeduan, of whom we have made
previous mention. Him, in particular, he had resolved to have with him, because
he had discovered him to be fond of change, fond of power, possessing great
resolution, and great influence among the Gauls. To this was added, that
Dumnorix had before said in an assembly of Aeduans, that the sovereignty of the
state had been made over to him by Caesar; which speech the Aedui bore with
impatience and yet dared not send embassadors to Caesar for the purpose of
either rejecting or deprecating [that appointment]. That fact Caesar had
learned from his own personal friends. He at first strove to obtain by every
entreaty that he should be left in Gaul; partly, because, being unaccustomed to
sailing, he feared the sea; partly because he said he was prevented by divine
admonitions. After he saw that this request was firmly refused him, all hope of
success being lost, he began to tamper with the chief persons of the Gauls, to
call them apart singly and exhort them to remain on the continent; to agitate
them with the fear that it was not without reason that Gaul should be stripped
of all her nobility; that it was Caesar’s design, to bring over to Britain and
put to death all those whom he feared to slay in the sight of Gaul, to pledge
his honor to the rest, to ask for their oath that they would by common
deliberation execute what they should perceive to be necessary for Gaul. These
things were reported to Caesar by several persons.
7
Having learned this fact, Caesar, because he had conferred so much honor upon
the Aeduan state, determined that Dumnorix should be restrained and deterred by
whatever means he could; and that, because he perceived his insane designs to
be proceeding further and further, care should be taken lest he might be able
to injure him and the commonwealth. Therefore, having stayed about twenty-five
days in that place, because the north wind, which usually blows a great part of
every season, prevented the voyage, he exerted himself to keep Dumnorix in his
allegiance [and] nevertheless learn all his measures: having at length met with
favorable weather, he orders the foot soldiers and the horse to embark in the
ships. But, while the minds of all were occupied, Dumnorix began to take his
departure from the camp homeward with the cavalry of the Aedui, Caesar being
ignorant of it. Caesar, on this matter being reported to him, ceasing from his
expedition and deferring all other affairs, sends a great part of the cavalry
to pursue him, and commands that he be brought back; he orders that if he use
violence and do not submit, that he be slain; considering that Dumnorix would
do nothing as a rational man while he himself was absent, since he had
disregarded his command even when present. He, however, when recalled, began to
resist and defend himself with his hand, and implore the support of his people,
often exclaiming that “he was free and the subject of a free state.” They
surround and kill the man as they had been commanded; but the Aeduan horsemen
all return to Caesar.
8
When these things were done [and] Labienus left on the continent with three
legions and 2,000 horse, to defend the harbors and provide corn, and discover
what was going on in Gaul, and take measures according to the occasion and
according to the circumstance; he himself, with five legions and a number of
horse, equal to that which he was leaving on the continent, set sail at
sun-set, and [though for a time] borne forward by a gentle south-west wind, he
did not maintain his course, in consequence of the wind dying away about
midnight, and being carried on too far by the tide, when the sun rose, espied
Britain passed on his left. Then, again, following the change of tide, he urged
on with the oars that he might make that part of the island in which he had
discovered the preceding summer, that there was the best landing-place, and in
this affair the spirit of our soldiers was very much to be extolled; for they
with the transports and heavy ships, the labor of rowing not being [for a
moment] discontinued, equaled the speed of the ships of war. All the ships
reached Britain nearly at mid-day; nor was there seen a [single] enemy in that
place, but, as Caesar afterward found from some prisoners, though large bodies
of troops had assembled there, yet being alarmed by the great number of our
ships, more than eight hundred of which, including the ships of the preceding
year, and those private vessels which each had built for his own convenience,
had appeared at one time, they had quitted the coast and concealed themselves
among the higher points.
9
Caesar, having disembarked his army and chosen a convenient place for the camp,
when he discovered from the prisoners in what part the forces of the enemy had
lodged themselves, having left ten cohorts and 300 horse at the sea, to be a
guard to the ships, hastens to the enemy, at the third watch, fearing the less
for the ships, for this reason because he was leaving them fastened at anchor
upon an even and open shore; and he placed Q. Atrius over the guard of the
ships. He himself, having advanced by night about twelve miles, espied the
forces of the enemy. They, advancing to the river with their cavalry and
chariots from the higher ground, began to annoy our men and give battle. Being
repulsed by our cavalry, they concealed themselves in woods, as they had
secured a place admirably fortified by nature and by art, which, as it seemed,
they had before prepared on account of a civil war; for all entrances to it
were shut up by a great number of felled trees. They themselves rushed out of
the woods to fight here and there, and prevented our men from entering their
fortifications. But the soldiers of the seventh legion, having formed a testudo
and thrown up a rampart against the fortification, took the place and drove
them out of the woods, receiving only a few wounds. But Caesar forbade his men
to pursue them in their flight any great distance; both because he was ignorant
of the nature of the ground, and because, as a great part of the day was spent,
he wished time to be left for the fortification of the camp.
10
The next day, early in the morning, he sent both foot-soldiers and horse in
three divisions on an expedition to pursue those who had fled. These having
advanced a little way, when already the rear [of the enemy] was in sight, some
horse came to Caesar from Quintus Atrius, to report that the preceding night, a
very great storm having arisen, almost all the ships were dashed to pieces and
cast upon the shore, because neither the anchors and cables could resist, nor
could the sailors and pilots sustain the violence of the storm; and thus great
damage was received by that collision of the ships.
11
These things being known [to him], Caesar orders the legions and cavalry to be
recalled and to cease from their march; he himself returns to the ships: he
sees clearly before him almost the same things which he had heard of from the
messengers and by letter, so that, about forty ships being lost, the remainder
seemed capable of being repaired with much labor. Therefore he selects workmen
from the legions, and orders others to be sent for from the continent; he
writes to Labienus to build as many ships as he could with those legions which
were with him. He himself, though the matter was one of great difficulty and
labor, yet thought it to be most expedient for all the ships to be brought up
on shore and joined with the camp by one fortification. In these matters he
employed about ten days, the labor of the soldiers being unremitting even
during the hours of night. The ships having been brought up on shore and the
camp strongly fortified, he left the same forces as he did before as a guard
for the ships; he sets out in person for the same place that he had returned
from. When he had come thither, greater forces of the Britons had already
assembled at that place, the chief command and management of the war having
been intrusted to Cassivellaunus, whose territories a river, which is called
the Thames, separates, from the maritime states at about eighty miles from the
sea. At an earlier period perpetual wars had taken place between him and the
other states; but, greatly alarmed by our arrival, the Britons had placed him
over the whole war and the conduct of it.
12
The interior portion of Britain is inhabited by those of whom they say that it
is handed down by tradition that they were born in the island itself: the
maritime portion by those who had passed over from the country of the Belgae
for the purpose of plunder and making war; almost all of whom are called by the
names of those states from which being sprung they went thither, and having
waged war, continued there and began to cultivate the lands. The number of the
people is countless, and their buildings exceedingly numerous, for the most
part very like those of the Gauls: the number of cattle is great. They use
either brass or iron rings, determined at a certain weight, as their money. Tin
is produced in the midland regions; in the maritime, iron; but the quantity of
it is small: they employ brass, which is imported. There, as in Gaul, is timber
of every description, except beech and fir. They do not regard it lawful to eat
the hare, and the cock, and the goose; they, however, breed them for amusement
and pleasure. The climate is more temperate than in Gaul, the colds being less
severe.
13
The island is triangular in its form, and one of its sides is opposite to Gaul.
One angle of this side, which is in Kent, whither almost all ships from Gaul
are directed, [looks] to the east; the lower looks to the south. This side
extends about 500 miles. Another side lies toward Spain and the west, on which
part is Ireland, less, as is reckoned, than Britain, by one half: but the
passage [from it] into Britain is of equal distance with that from Gaul. In the
middle of this voyage, is an island, which is called Mona: many smaller islands
besides are supposed to lie [there], of which islands some have written that at
the time of the winter solstice it is night there for thirty consecutive days.
We, in our inquiries about that matter, ascertained nothing, except that, by
accurate measurements with water, we perceived the nights to be shorter there
than on the continent. The length of this side, as their account states, is 700
miles. The third side is toward the north, to which portion of the island no
land is opposite; but an angle of that side looks principally toward Germany.
This side is considered to be 800 miles in length. Thus the whole island is
[about] 2,000 miles in circumference.
14
The most civilized of all these nations are they who inhabit Kent, which is
entirely a maritime district, nor do they differ much from the Gallic customs.
Most of the inland inhabitants do not sow corn, but live on milk and flesh, and
are clad with skins. All the Britains, indeed, dye themselves with wood, which
occasions a bluish color, and thereby have a more terrible appearance in fight.
They wear their hair long, and have every part of their body shaved except
their head and upper lip. Ten and even twelve have wives common to them, and
particularly brothers among brothers, and parents among their children; but if
there be any issue by these wives, they are reputed to be the children of those
by whom respectively each was first espoused when a virgin.
15
The horse and charioteers of the enemy contended vigorously in a skirmish with
our cavalry on the march; yet so that our men were conquerors in all parts, and
drove them to their woods and hills; but, having slain a great many, they
pursued too eagerly, and lost some of their men. But the enemy, after some time
had elapsed, when our men were off their guard, and occupied in the
fortification of the camp, rushed out of the woods, and making an attack upon
those who were placed on duty before the camp, fought in a determined manner;
and two cohorts being sent by Caesar to their relief, and these severally the
first of two legions, when these had taken up their position at a very small distance
from each other, as our men were disconcerted by the unusual mode of battle,
the enemy broke through the middle of them most courageously, and retreated
thence in safety. That day, Q. Laberius Durus, a tribune of the soldiers, was
slain. The enemy, since more cohorts were sent against them, were repulsed.
XVI. In the whole of this method of fighting since the engagement took place
under the eyes of all and before the camp, it was perceived that our men, on
account of the weight of their arms, inasmuch as they could neither pursue [the
enemy when] retreating, nor dare quit their standards, were little suited to
this kind of enemy; that the horse also fought with great danger, because they
[the Britons] generally retreated even designedly, and, when they had drawn off
our men a short distance from the legions, leaped from their chariots and
fought on foot in unequal [and to them advantageous] battle. But the system of
cavalry engagement is wont to produce equal danger, and indeed the same, both
to those who retreat and to those who pursue. To this was added, that they
never fought in close order, but in small parties and at great distances, and
had detachments placed [in different parts], and then the one relieved the
other, and the vigorous and fresh succeeded the wearied.
17
The following day the enemy halted on the hills, a distance from our camp, and
presented themselves in small parties, and began to challenge our horse to
battle with less spirit than the day before. But at noon, when Caesar had sent
three legions, and all the cavalry, with C. Trebonius, the lieutenant, for the
purpose of foraging, they flew upon the foragers suddenly from all quarters, so
that they did not keep off [even] from the standards and the legions. Our men
making an attack on them vigorously, repulsed them; nor did they cease to
pursue them until the horse, relying on relief, as they saw the legions behind
them, drove the enemy precipitately before them, and slaying a great number of
them, did not give them the opportunity either of rallying, or halting, or
leaping from their chariots. Immediately after this retreat, the auxiliaries
who had assembled from all sides, departed; nor after that time did the enemy
ever engage with us in very large numbers.
18
Caesar, discovering their design, leads his army into the territories of
Cassivellaunus to the river Thames; which river can be forded in one place only
and that with difficulty. When he had arrived there, he perceives that numerous
forces of the enemy were marshaled on the other bank of the river; the bank
also was defended by sharp stakes fixed in front, and stakes of the same kind
fixed under the water were covered by the river. These things being discovered
from [some] prisoners and deserters, Caesar, sending forward the cavalry,
ordered the legions to follow them immediately. But the soldiers advanced with
such speed and such ardor, though they stood above the water by their heads
only, that the enemy could not sustain the attack of the legions and of the
horse, and quitted the banks, and committed themselves to flight.
19
Cassivellaunus, as we have stated above, all hope [rising out] of battle being
laid aside, the greater part of his forces being dismissed, and about 4,000
charioteers only being left, used to observe our marches and retire a little
from the road, and conceal himself in intricate and woody places, and in those
neighborhoods in which he had discovered we were about to march, he used to
drive the cattle and the inhabitants from the fields into the woods; and, when
our cavalry, for the sake of plundering and ravaging the more freely, scattered
themselves among the fields, he used to send out charioteers from the woods by
all the well-known roads and paths, and to the great danger of our horse,
engage with them; and this source of fear hindered them from straggling very
extensively. The result was, that Caesar did not allow excursions to be made to
a great distance from the main body of the legions, and ordered that damage
should be done to the enemy in ravaging their lands, and kindling fires only so
far as the legionary soldiers could, by their own exertion and marching,
accomplish it.
20
In the mean time, the Trinobantes, almost the most powerful state of those
parts, from which the young man, Mandubratius embracing the protection of
Caesar had come to the continent of Gaul to [meet] him (whose father, Imanuentius,
had possessed the sovereignty in that state, and had been killed by
Cassivellaunus; he himself had escaped death by flight), send embassadors to
Caesar, and promise that they will surrender themselves to him and perform his
commands; they entreat him to protect Mandubratius from the violence of
Cassivellaunus, and send to their state some one to preside over it, and
possess the government. Caesar demands forty hostages from them, and corn for
his army, and sends Mandubratius to them. They speedily performed the things
demanded, and sent hostages to the number appointed, and the corn.
21
The Trinobantes being protected and secured from any violence of the soldiers,
the Cenimagni, the Segontiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Cassi,
sending embassies, surrendered themselves to Caesar. From them he learns that
the capital town of Cassivellaunus was not far from that place, and was
defended by woods and morasses, and a very large number of men and of cattle had
been collected in it. (Now the Britons, when they have fortified the intricate
woods, in which they are wont to assemble for the purpose of avoiding the
incursion of an enemy, with an intrenchment and a rampart, call them a town.)
Thither he proceeds with his legions: he finds the place admirably fortified by
nature and art; he, however, undertakes to attack it in two directions. The
enemy, having remained only a short time, did not sustain the attack of our
soldiers, and hurried away on the other side of the town. A great amount of
cattle was found there, and many of the enemy were taken and slain in their
flight.
22
While these things are going forward in those places, Cassivellaunus sends
messengers into Kent, which, we have observed above, is on the sea, over which
districts four several kings reigned, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus and
Segonax, and commands them to collect all their forces, and unexpectedly assail
and storm the naval camp. When they had come to the camp, our men, after making
a sally, slaying many of their men, and also capturing a distinguished leader
named Lugotorix, brought back their own men in safety. Cassivellaunus, when
this battle was reported to him as so many losses had been sustained, and his
territories laid waste, being alarmed most of all by the desertion of the
states, sends embassadors to Caesar [to treat] about a surrender through the
mediation of Commius the Atrebatian. Caesar, since he had determined to pass
the winter on the continent, on account of the sudden revolts of Gaul, and as
much of the summer did not remain, and he perceived that even that could be
easily protracted, demands hostages, and prescribes what tribute Britain should
pay each year to the Roman people; he forbids and commands Cassivellaunus that
he wage not war against Mandubratius or the Trinobantes.
23
When he had received the hostages, he leads back the army to the sea, and finds
the ships repaired. After launching these, because he had a large number of
prisoners, and some of the ships had been lost in the storm, he determines to
convey back his army at two embarkations. And it so happened, that out of so
large a number of ships, in so many voyages, neither in this nor in the
previous year was any ship missing which conveyed soldiers; but very few out of
those which were sent back to him from the continent empty, as the soldiers of
the former convoy had been disembarked, and out of those (sixty in number)
which Labienus had taken care to have built, reached their destination; almost
all the rest were driven back, and when Caesar had waited for them for some
time in vain, lest he should be debarred from a voyage by the season of the
year, inasmuch as the equinox was at hand, he of necessity stowed his soldiers
the more closely, and, a very great calm coming on, after he had weighed anchor
at the beginning of the second watch, he reached land at break of day and
brought in all the ships in safety.
24
The ships having been drawn up and a general assembly of the Gauls held at
Samarobriva, because the corn that year had not prospered in Gaul by reason of
the droughts, he was compelled to station his army in its winter-quarters
differently from the former years, and to distribute the legions among several
states: one of them he gave to C. Fabius, his lieutenant, to be marched into
the territories of the Morini; a second to Q. Cicero, into those of the Nervii;
a third to L. Roscius, into those of the Essui; a fourth he ordered to winter
with T. Labienus among the Remi in the confines of the Treviri; he stationed
three in Belgium; over these he appointed M. Crassus, his questor, and L.
Munatius Plancus and C. Trebonius, his lieutenants. One legion which he had
raised last on the other side of the Po, and five cohorts, he sent among the
Eburones, the greatest portion of whom lie between the Meuse and the Rhine,
[and] who were under the government of Ambiorix and Cativolcus. He ordered Q.
Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta, his lieutenants, to take command of
these soldiers. The legions being distributed in this manner, he thought he
could most easily remedy the scarcity of corn and yet the winter-quarters of
all these legions (except that which he had given to L. Roscius, to be led into
the most peaceful and tranquil neighborhood) were comprehended within [about]
100 miles. He himself in the mean while, until he had stationed the legions and
knew that the several winter-quarters were fortified, determined to stay in
Gaul.
25
There was among the Carnutes a man named Tasgetius, born of very high rank,
whose ancestors had held the sovereignty in his state. To him Caesar had
restored the position of his ancestors, in consideration of his prowess and
attachment toward him, because in all his wars he had availed himself of his
valuable services. His personal enemies had killed him when in the third year
of his reign, many even of his own state being openly promoters [of that act]
This event is related to Caesar. He fearing, because several were involved in
the act, that the state might revolt at their instigation, orders Lucius
Plancus, with a legion, to proceed quickly from Belgium to the Carnutes, and winter
there, and arrest and send to him the persons by whose instrumentality he
should discover that Tasgetius was slain. In the mean time, he was apprised by
all the lieutenants and questors to whom he had assigned the legions, that they
had arrived in winter-quarters, and that the place for the quarters was
fortified.
26
About fifteen days after they had come into winter-quarters, the beginning of a
sudden insurrection and revolt arose from Ambiorix and Cativolcus, who, though
they had met with Sabinus and Cotta at the borders of their kingdom, and had
conveyed corn into our winter-quarters, induced by the messages of
Indutiomarus, one of the Treviri, excited their people, and after having
suddenly assailed the soldiers engaged in procuring wood, came with a large
body to attack the camp. When our men had speedily taken up arms and had
ascended the rampart, and sending out some Spanish horse on one side, had
proved conquerors in a cavalry action, the enemy, despairing of success, drew
off their troops from the assault. Then they shouted, according to their
custom, that some of our men should go forward to a conference, [alleging] that
they had some things which they desired to say respecting the common interest,
by which they trusted their disputes could be removed.
27
C. Arpineius, a Roman knight, the intimate friend of Q. Titurius, and with him,
Q. Junius, a certain person from Spain, who already on previous occasions, had
been accustomed to go to Ambiorix, at Caesar’s mission, is sent to them for the
purpose of a conference: before them Ambiorix spoke to this effect: “That he
confessed, that for Caesar’s kindness toward him, he was very much indebted to
him, inasmuch as by his aid he had been freed from a tribute which he had been
accustomed to pay to the Aduatuci, his neighbors; and because his own son and
the son of his brother had been sent back to him, whom, when sent in the number
of hostages, the Aduatuci had detained among them in slavery and in chains; and
that he had not done that which he had done in regard to the attacking of the
camp, either by his own judgment or desire, but by the compulsion of his state;
and that his government was of that nature, that the people had as much
authority over him as he over the people. To the state moreover the occasion of
the war was this-that it could not withstand the sudden combination of the
Gauls; that he could easily prove this from his own weakness, since he was not
so little versed in affairs as to presume that with his forces he could conquer
the Roman people; but that it was the common resolution of Gaul; that that day
was appointed for the storming of all Caesar’s winter-quarters, in order that
no legion should be able to come to the relief of another legion, that Gauls
could not easily deny Gauls, especially when a measure seemed entered into for
recovering their common freedom. Since he had performed his duty to them on the
score of patriotism [he said], he has now regard to gratitude for the kindness
of Caesar; that he warned, that he prayed Titurius by the claims of
hospitality, to consult for his and his soldiers’ safely; that a large force of
the Germans had been hired and had passed the Rhine; that it would arrive in
two days: that it was for them to consider whether they thought fit, before the
nearest people perceived it, to lead off their soldiers when drawn out of
winter-quarters, either to Cicero or to Labienus; one of whom was about fifty
miles distant from them, the other rather more; that this he promised and
confirmed by oath, that he would give them a safe passage through his
territories; and when he did that, he was both consulting for his own state,
because it would be relieved from the winter-quarters, and also making a
requital to Caesar for his obligations.”
28
Arpineius and Junius relate to the lieutenants what they had heard. They,
greatly alarmed by the unexpected affair, though those things were spoken by an
enemy, still thought they were not to be disregarded; and they were especially
influenced by this consideration, that it was scarcely credible that the
obscure and humble state of the Eburones had dared to make war upon the Roman
people of their own accord. Accordingly, they refer the matter to a council,
and a great controversy arises among them. L. Aurunculeius, and several
tribunes of the soldiers and the centurions of the first rank, were of opinion
“that nothing should be done hastily, and that they should not depart from the
camp without Caesar’s orders;” they declared, “that any forces of the Germans,
however great, might be encountered by fortified winter-quarters; that this
fact was a proof [of it]; that they had sustained the first assault of the
Germans most valiantly, inflicting many wounds upon them; that they were not
distressed for corn; that in the mean time relief would come both from the
nearest winter-quarters and from Caesar; lastly, they put the query, “what
could be more undetermined, more undignified, than to adopt measures respecting
the most important affairs on the authority of an enemy?”
29
In opposition to those things, Titurius exclaimed, “That they would do this too
late, when greater forces of the enemy, after a junction with the Germans,
should have assembled; or when some disaster had been received in the
neighboring winter-quarters; that the opportunity for deliberating was short;
that he believed that Caesar had set forth into Italy, as the Carnutes would
not otherwise have taken the measure of slaying Tasgetius, nor would the
Eburones, if he had been present, have come to the camp with so great defiance
of us; that he did not regard the enemy, but the fact, as the authority; that
the Rhine was near; that the death of Ariovistus and our previous victories
were subjects of great indignation to the Germans; that Gaul was inflamed, that
after having received so many defeats she was reduced under the sway of the
Roman people, her pristine glory in military matters being extinguished.”
Lastly, “who would persuade himself of this, that Ambiorix had resorted to a
design of that nature without sure grounds? That his own opinion was safe on
either side; if there be nothing very formidable, they would go without danger
to the nearest legion; if all Gaul conspired with the Germans, their only
safety lay in dispatch. What issue would the advice of Cotta and of those who
differed from him, have? from which, if immediate danger was not to be dreaded,
yet certainly famine, by a protracted siege, was.”
30
This discussion having been held on the two sides, when opposition was offered
strenuously by Cotta and the principal officers, “Prevail,” said Sabinus, “if
so you wish it;” and he said it with a louder voice, that a great portion of
the soldiers might hear him; “nor am I the person among you,” he said, “who is
most powerfully alarmed by the danger of death; these will be aware of it, and
then, if any thing disastrous shall have occurred, they will demand a reckoning
at your hands; these, who, if it were permitted by you, united three days hence
with the nearest winter-quarters, may encounter the common condition of war
with the rest, and not, as if forced away and separated far from the rest,
perish either by the sword or by famine.”
31
They rise from the council, detain both, and entreat, that “they do not bring
the matter into the greatest jeopardy by their dissension and obstinacy; the
affair was an easy one, if only they all thought and approved of the same
thing, whether they remain or depart; on the other hand, they saw no security
in dissension.” The matter is prolonged by debate till midnight. At last Cotta,
being overruled, yields his assent; the opinion of Sabinus prevails. It is
proclaimed that they will march at day-break; the remainder of the night is
spent without sleep, since every soldier was inspecting his property, [to see] what
he could carry with him, and what, out of the appurtenances of the
winter-quarters, he would be compelled to leave; every reason is suggested to
show why they could not stay without danger, and how that danger would be
increased by the fatigue of the soldiers and their want of sleep. At break of
day they quit the camp, in a very extended line and with a very large amount of
baggage, in such a manner as men who were convinced that the advice was given
by Ambiorix, not as an enemy, but as most friendly [toward them].
32
But the enemy, after they had made the discovery of their intended departure by
the noise during the night and their not retiring to rest, having placed an
ambuscade in two divisions in the woods, in a suitable and concealed place, two
miles from the camp, waited for the arrival of the Romans: and when the greater
part of the line of march had descended into a considerable valley, they
suddenly presented themselves on either side of that valley, and began both to
harass the rear and hinder the van from ascending, and to give battle in a
place exceedingly disadvantageous to our men.
33
Then at length Titurius, as one who had provided nothing beforehand, was
confused, ran to and fro, and set about arranging his troops; these very
things, however, he did timidly and in such a manner that all resources seemed
to fail him: which generally happens to those who are compelled to take council
in the action itself. But Cotta, who had reflected that these things might
occur on the march, and on that account had not been an adviser of the
departure, was wanting to the common safety in no respect; both in addressing
and encouraging the soldiers, he performed the duties of a general, and in the
battle those of a soldier. And since they [Titurius and Cotta] could less
easily perform every thing by themselves, and provide what was to be done in
each place, by reason of the length of the line of march, they ordered [the
officers] to give the command that they should leave the baggage and form
themselves into an orb, which measure, though in a contingency of that nature
it was not to be condemned, still turned out unfortunately; for it both
diminished the hope of our soldiers and rendered the enemy more eager for the
fight, because it appeared that this was not done without the greatest fear and
despair. Besides that happened, which would necessarily be the case, that the
soldiers for the most part quitted their ensigns and hurried to seek and carry
off from the baggage whatever each thought valuable, and all parts were filled
with uproar and lamentation.
34
But judgment was not wanting to the barbarians; for their leaders ordered [the
officers] to proclaim through the ranks “that no man should quit his place;
that the booty was theirs, and for them was reserved whatever the Romans should
leave; therefore let them consider that all things depended on their victory.
Our men were equal to them in fighting, both in courage and in number, and
though they were deserted by their leader and by fortune, yet they still placed
all hope of safety in their valor, and as often as any cohort sallied forth on
that side, a great number of the enemy usually fell. Ambiorix, when he observed
this, orders the command to be issued that they throw their weapons from a
distance and do not approach too near, and in whatever direction the Romans
should make an attack, there give way (from the lightness of their appointments
and from their daily practice no damage could be done them); [but] pursue them
when betaking themselves to their standards again.
35
Which command having been most carefully obeyed, when any cohort had quitted
the circle and made a charge, the enemy fled very precipitately. In the mean
time, that part of the Roman army, of necessity, was left unprotected, and the
weapons received on their open flank. Again, when they had begun to return to
that place from which they had advanced, they were surrounded both by those who
had retreated and by those who stood next them; but if, on the other hand, they
wish to keep their place, neither was an opportunity left for valor, nor could
they, being crowded together, escape the weapons cast by so large a body of
men. Yet, though assailed by so many disadvantages, [and] having received many
wounds, they withstood the enemy, and, a great portion of the day being spent,
though they fought from day-break till the eighth hour, they did nothing which
was unworthy of them. At length, each thigh of T. Balventius, who the year
before had been chief centurion, a brave man and one of great authority, is
pierced with a javelin; Q. Lucanius, of the same rank, fighting most valiantly,
is slain while he assists his son when surrounded by the enemy; L. Cotta, the
lieutenant, when encouraging all the cohorts and companies, is wounded full in
the mouth by a sling.
36
Much troubled by these events, Q. Titurius, when he had perceived Ambiorix in
the distance encouraging his men, sends to him his interpreter, Cn. Pompey, to
beg that he would spare him and his soldiers. He, when addressed, replied, “If
he wishes to confer with him, it was permitted; that he hoped what pertained to
the safety of the soldiers could be obtained from the people; that to him
however certainly no injury would be done, and that he pledged his faith to
that effect.” He consults with Cotta, who had been wounded, whether it would
appear right to retire from battle, and confer with Ambiorix; [saying] that he
hoped to be able to succeed respecting his own and the soldiers’ safety. Cotta
says he will not go to an armed enemy, and in that perseveres.
37
Sabinus orders those tribunes of the soldiers whom he had at the time around
him, and the centurions of the first ranks, to follow him, and when he had
approached near to Ambiorix, being ordered to throw down his arms, he obeys the
order and commands his men to do the same. In the mean time, while they treat
upon the terms, and a longer debate than necessary is designedly entered into
by Ambiorix, being surrounded by degrees, he is slain. Then they, according to
their custom, shout out “Victory,” and raise their war-cry, and, making an
attack on our men, break their ranks. There L. Cotta, while fighting, is slain,
together with the greater part of the soldiers; the rest betake themselves to
the camp, from which they had marched forth, and one of them, L. Petrosidius, the
standard bearer, when he was overpowered by the great number of the enemy,
threw the eagle within the intrenchments and is himself slain while fighting
with the greatest courage before the camp. They with difficulty sustain the
attack till night; despairing of safety, they all to a man destroy themselves
in the night. A few escaping from the battle, made their way to Labienus at
winter-quarters, after wandering at random through the woods, and inform him of
these events
38
Elated by this victory, Ambiorix marches immediately with his cavalry to the
Aduatuci, who bordered on his kingdom; he halts neither day nor night, and
orders the infantry to follow him closely. Having related the exploit and
roused the Aduatuci, the next day he arrived among the Nervii, and entreats
“that they should not throw away the opportunity of liberating themselves
forever and of punishing the Romans for those wrongs which they had received
from them;” [he tells them] “that two lieutenants have been slain, and that a
large portion of the army has perished; that it was not a matter of difficulty
for the legion which was wintering with Cicero to be cut off, when suddenly
assaulted; he declares himself ready to cooperate in that design. He easily
gains over the Nervii by this speech.
36
Accordingly, messengers having been forthwith dispatched to the Centrones, the
Grudii, the Levaci, the Pleumoxii, and the Geiduni, all of whom are under their
government, they assemble as large bodies as they can, and rush unexpectedly to
the winter-quarters of Cicero, the report of the death of Titurius not having
as yet been conveyed to him. That also occurred to him, which was the
consequence of a necessary work-that some soldiers who had gone off into the
woods for the purpose of procuring timber and therewith constructing
fortifications, were intercepted by the sudden arrival of [the enemy’s] horse.
These having been entrapped, the Eburones, the Nervii, and the Aduatici and all
their allies and dependents, begin to attack the legion: our men quickly run
together to arms and mount the rampart; they sustained the attack that day with
great difficulty, since the enemy placed all their hope in dispatch, and felt
assured that, if they obtained this victory, they would be conquerors forever.
40
Letters are immediately sent to Caesar by Cicero, great rewards being offered
[to the messengers] if they carried them through. All these passes having been
beset, those who were sent are intercepted. During the night as many as 120
towers are raised with incredible dispatch out of the timber which they had
collected for the purpose of fortification: the things which seemed necessary
to the work are completed. The following day the enemy, having collected far
greater forces, attack the camp [and] fill up the ditch. Resistance is made by
our men in the same manner as the day before; this same thing is done afterward
during the remaining days. The work is carried on incessantly in the night: not
even to the sick, or wounded, is opportunity given for rest: whatever things
are required for resisting the assault of the next day are provided during the
night: many stakes burned at the end, and a large number of mural pikes are
procured: towers are built up, battlements and parapets are formed of
interwoven hurdles. Cicero himself, though he was in very weak health, did not
leave himself the night-time for repose, so that he was forced to spare himself
by the spontaneous movement and entreaties of the soldiers.
41
Then these leaders and chiefs of the Nervii, who had any intimacy and grounds
of friendship with Cicero, say they desire to confer with him. When permission
was granted, they recount the same things which Ambiorix had related to
Titurius, namely, “that all Gaul was in arms, that the Germans had passed the
Rhine, that the winter-quarters of Caesar and of the others were attacked.”
They report in addition also, about the death of Sabinus. They point to
Ambiorix for the purpose of obtaining credence; “they are mistaken,” say they,
“if they hoped for any relief from those who distrust their own affairs; that
they bear such feelings toward Cicero and the Roman people that they deny them
nothing but winter-quarters, and are unwilling that the practice should become
constant; that through their [the Nervii’s] means it is possible for them [the
Romans] to depart from their winter-quarters safely and to proceed without fear
into whatever parts they desire.” To these Cicero made only one reply: “that it
is not the custom of the Roman people to accept any condition from an armed
enemy: if they are willing to lay down their arms, they may employ him as their
advocate and send embassadors to Caesar: that he believed, from his [Caesar’s]
justice, they would obtain the things which they might request.”
42
Disappointed in this hope, the Nervii surround the winter-quarters with a
rampart eleven feet high, and a ditch thirteen feet in depth. These military
works they had learned from our men in the intercourse of former years, and,
having taken some of our army prisoners, were instructed by them: but, as they
had no supply of iron tools which are requisite for this service, they were
forced to cut the turf with their swords, and to empty out the earth with their
hands and cloaks, from which circumstance, the vast number of the men could be
inferred; for in less than three hours they completed a fortification of ten
miles in circumference; and during the rest of the days they began to prepare
and construct towers of the height of the ramparts, and grappling irons, and
mantelets, which the same prisoners had taught them.
43
On the seventh day of the attack, a very high wind having sprung up, they began
to discharge by their slings hot balls made of burned or hardened clay, and
heated javelins, upon the huts, which, after the Gallic custom, were thatched
with straw. These quickly took fire, and by the violence of the wind, scattered
their flames in every part of the camp. The enemy following up their success
with a very loud shout, as if victory were already obtained and secured, began
to advance their towers and mantelets, and climb the rampart with ladders. But
so great was the courage of our soldiers, and such their presence of mind, that
though they were scorched on all sides, and harassed by a vast number of
weapons, and were aware that their baggage and their possessions were burning,
not only did no one quit the rampart for the purpose of withdrawing from the
scene, but scarcely did any one even then look behind; and they all fought most
vigorously and most valiantly. This day was by far the most calamitous to our
men; it had this result, however, that on that day the largest number of the
enemy was wounded and slain, since they had crowded beneath the very rampart,
and the hindmost did not afford the foremost a retreat. The flame having abated
a little, and a tower having been brought up in a particular place and touching
the rampart, the centurions of the third cohort retired from the place in which
they were standing, and drew off all their men: they began to call on the enemy
by gestures and by words, to enter if they wished; but none of them dared to
advance. Then stones having been cast from every quarter, the enemy were
dislodged, and their tower set on fire.
44
In that legion there were two very brave men, centurions, who were now
approaching the first ranks, T. Pulfio, and L. Varenus. These used to have
continual disputes between them which of them should be preferred, and every
year used to contend for promotion with the utmost animosity. When the fight
was going on most vigorously before the fortifications, Pulfio, one of them,
says, “Why do you hesitate, Varenus? or what [better] opportunity of
signalizing your valor do you seek? This very day shall decide our disputes.”
When he had uttered these words, he proceeds beyond the fortifications, and
rushes on that part of the enemy which appeared the thickest. Nor does Varenus
remain within the rampart, but respecting the high opinion of all, follows
close after. Then, when an inconsiderable space intervened, Pulfio throws his
javelin at the enemy, and pierces one of the multitude who was running up, and
while the latter was wounded and slain, the enemy cover him with their shields,
and all throw their weapons at the other and afford him no opportunity of
retreating. The shield of Pulfio is pierced and a javelin is fastened in his
belt. This circumstance turns aside his scabbard and obstructs his right hand
when attempting to draw his sword: the enemy crowd around him when [thus]
embarrassed. His rival runs up to him and succors him in this emergency.
Immediately the whole host turn from Pulfio to him, supposing the other to be
pierced through by the javelin. Varenus rushes on briskly with his sword and
carries on the combat hand to hand, and having slain one man, for a short time
drove back the rest: while he urges on too eagerly, slipping into a hollow, he
fell. To him, in his turn, when surrounded, Pulfio brings relief; and both
having slain a great number, retreat into the fortifications amid the highest
applause. Fortune so dealt with both in this rivalry and conflict, that the one
competitor was a succor and a safeguard to the other, nor could it be
determined which of the two appeared worthy of being preferred to the other.
45
In proportion as the attack became daily more formidable and violent, and
particularly, because, as a great number of the soldiers were exhausted with
wounds, the matter had come to a small number of defenders, more frequent
letters and messages were sent to Caesar; a part of which messengers were taken
and tortured to death in the sight of our soldiers. There was within our camp a
certain Nervian, by name Vertico, born in a distinguished position, who in the
beginning of the blockade had deserted to Cicero, and had exhibited his
fidelity to him. He persuades his slave, by the hope of freedom, and by great
rewards, to convey a letter to Caesar. This he carries out bound about his
javelin; and mixing among the Gauls without any suspicion by being a Gaul, he
reaches Caesar. From him they received information of the imminent danger of
Cicero and the legion.
46
Caesar having received the letter about the eleventh hour of the day,
immediately sends a messenger to the Bellovaci, to M. Crassus, questor there,
whose winter-quarters were twenty-five miles distant from him. He orders the
legion to set forward in the middle of the night, and come to him with
dispatch. Crassus sets out with the messenger. He sends another to C. Fabius,
the lieutenant, ordering him to lead forth his legion into the territories of
the Atrebates, to which he knew his march must be made. He writes to Labienus
to come with his legion to the frontiers of the Nervii, if he could do so to
the advantage of the commonwealth: he does not consider that the remaining
portion of the army, because it was somewhat further distant, should be waited
for; but assembles about 400 horse from the nearest winter-quarters.
47
Having been apprised of the arrival of Crassus by the scouts at about the third
hour, he advances twenty miles that day. He appoints Crassus over Samarobriva
and assigns him a legion, because he was leaving there the baggage of the army,
the hostages of the states, the public documents, and all the corn, which he
had conveyed thither for passing the winter. Fabius, without delaying a moment,
meets him on the march with his legion, as he had been commanded. Labienus,
having learned the death of Sabinus and the destruction of the cohorts, as all
the forces of the Treviri had come against him, beginning to fear lest, if he
made a departure from his winter-quarters, resembling a flight, he should not
be able to support the attack of the enemy, particularly since he knew them to
be elated by their recent victory, sends back a letter to Caesar, informing him
with what great hazard he would lead out his legion from winter-quarters; he
relates at large the affairs which had taken place among the Eburones; he
informs him that all the infantry and cavalry of the Treviri had encamped at a
distance of only three miles from his own camp.
48
Caesar, approving of his motives, although he was disappointed in his
expectation of three legions, and reduced to two, yet placed his only hopes of
the common safety in dispatch. He goes into the territories of the Nervii by
long marches. There he learns from some prisoners what things are going on in
the camp of Cicero, and in how great jeopardy the affair is. Then with great
rewards he induces a certain man of the Gallic horse to convey a letter to
Cicero. This he sends written in Greek characters, lest the letter being
intercepted, our measures should be discovered by the enemy. He directs him, if
he should be unable to enter, to throw his spear with the letter fastened to
the thong, inside the fortifications of the camp. He writes in the letter, that
he having set out with his legions, will quickly be there: he entreats him to
maintain his ancient valor. The Gaul apprehending danger, throws his spear as
he has been directed. Is by chance stuck in a tower, and, not being observed by
our men for two days, was seen by a certain soldier on the third day: when
taken down, it was carried to Cicero. He, after perusing it, reads it out in an
assembly of the soldiers, and fills all with the greatest joy. Then the smoke
of the fires was seen in the distance, a circumstance which banished all doubt
of the arrival of the legions.
49
The Gauls, having discovered the matter through their scouts, abandon the
blockade, and march toward Caesar with all their forces; these were about
60,000 armed men. Cicero, an opportunity being now afforded, again begs of that
Vertico, the Gaul, whom we mentioned above, to convey back a letter to Caesar;
he advises him to perform his journey warily; he writes in the letter that the
enemy had departed and had turned their entire force against him. When this
letter was brought to him about the middle of the night, Caesar apprises his
soldiers of its contents, and inspires them with courage for fighting: the
following day, at the dawn, he moves his camp, and, having proceeded four
miles, he espies the forces of the enemy on the other side of a considerable
valley and rivulet. It was an affair of great danger to fight with such large
forces in a disadvantageous situation. For the present, therefore, inasmuch as
he knew that Cicero was released from the blockade, and thought that he might,
on that account, relax his speed, he halted there and fortifies a camp in the
most favorable position he can. And this, though it was small in itself, [there
being] scarcely 7,000 men, and these too without baggage, still by the
narrowness of the passages, he contracts as much as he can, with this object,
that he may come into the greatest contempt with the enemy. In the mean while
scouts having been sent in all directions, he examines by what most convenient
path he might cross the valley.
50
That day, slight skirmishes of cavalry having taken place near the river, both
armies kept in their own positions: the Gauls, because they were awaiting
larger forces which had not then arrived; Caesar, [to see] if perchance by
pretense of fear he could allure the enemy toward his position, so that he
might engage in battle, in front of his camp, on this side of the valley; if he
could not accomplish this, that, having inquired about the passes, he might
cross the valley and the river with the less hazard. At daybreak the cavalry of
the enemy approaches to the camp and joins battle with our horse. Caesar orders
the horse to give way purposely, and retreat to the camp: at the same time he
orders the camp to be fortified with a higher rampart in all directions, the
gates to be barricaded, and in executing these things as much confusion to be
shown as possible, and to perform them under the pretense of fear.
51
Induced by all these things, the enemy lead over their forces and draw up their
line in a disadvantageous position; and as our men also had been led down from
the ramparts, they approach nearer, and throw their weapons into the
fortification from all sides, and sending heralds round, order it to be proclaimed
that, if “any, either Gaul or Roman, was willing to go over to them before the
third hour, it was permitted; after that time there would not be permission;”
and so much did they disregard our men, that the gates having been blocked up
with single rows of turf as a mere appearance, because they did not seem able
to burst in that way, some began to pull down the rampart with their hands,
others to fill up the trenches. Then Caesar, making a sally from all the gates,
and sending out the cavalry, soon puts the enemy to flight, so that no one at
all stood his ground with the intention of fighting; and he slew a great number
of them, and deprived all of their arms.
52
Caesar, fearing to pursue them very far, because woods and morasses intervened,
and also [because] he saw that they suffered no small loss in abandoning their
position, reaches Cicero the same day with all his forces safe. He witnesses
with surprise the towers, mantelets, and [other] fortifications belonging to
the enemy: the legion having been drawn out, he finds that even every tenth
soldier had not escaped without wounds. From all these things he judges with
what danger and with what great courage matters had been conducted; he commends
Cicero according to his desert, and likewise the legion; he addresses
individually the centurions and the tribunes of the soldiers, whose valor he
had discovered to have been signal. He receives information of the death of
Sabinus and Cotta from the prisoners. An assembly being held the following day,
he states the occurrence; he consoles and encourages the soldiers; he suggests,
that the disaster, which had been occasioned by the misconduct and rashness of
his lieutenant, should be borne with a patient mind, because by the favor of
the immortal gods and their own valor, neither was lasting joy left to the
enemy, nor very lasting grief to them.
53
In the mean while the report respecting the victory of Caesar is conveyed to
Labienus through the country of the Remi with incredible speed, so that, though
he was about sixty miles distant from the winter-quarter of Cicero, and Caesar
had arrived there after the ninth hour, before midnight a shout arose at the
gates of the camp, by which shout an indication of the victory and a
congratulation on the part of the Remi were given to Labienus. This report
having been carried to the Treviri, Indutiomarus, who had resolved to attack
the camp of Labienus the following day, flies by night and leads back all his
forces into the country of the Treviri. Caesar sends back Fabius with his
legion to his winter-quarters; he himself determines to winter with three
legions near Samarobriva in three different quarters, and, because such great
commotions had arisen in Gaul, he resolved to remain during the whole winter
with the army himself. For the disaster respecting the death of Sabinus having
been circulated among them, almost all the states of Gaul were deliberating
about war, sending messengers and embassies into all quarters, inquiring what
further measure they should take, and holding councils by night in secluded
places. Nor did any period of the whole winter pass over without fresh anxiety
to Caesar, or, without his receiving some intelligence respecting the meetings
and commotions of the Gauls. Among these, he is informed by L. Roscius, the
lieutenant whom he had placed over the thirteenth legion, that large forces of
those states of the Gauls, which are called the Armoricae, had assembled for
the purpose of attacking him and were not more than eight miles distant; but
intelligence respecting the victory of Caesar being carried [to them], had
retreated in such a manner that their departure appeared like a flight.
54
But Caesar, having summoned to him the principal persons of each state, in one
case by alarming them, since he declared that he knew what was going on, and in
another case by encouraging them, retained a great part of Gaul in its
allegiance. The Senones, however, which is a state eminently powerful and one
of great influence among the Gauls, attempting by general design to slay
Cavarinus, whom Caesar had created king among them (whose brother, Moritasgus,
had held the sovereignty at the period of the arrival of Caesar in Gaul, and
whose ancestors had also previously held it), when he discovered their plot and
fled, pursued him even to the frontiers [of the state], and drove him from his
kingdom and his home; and, after having sent embassadors to Caesar for the
purpose of concluding a peace, when he ordered all their senate to come to him,
did not obey that command. So far did it operate among those barbarian people,
that there were found some to be the first to wage war; and so great a change
of inclinations did it produce in all, that, except the Aedui and the Remi,
whom Caesar had always held in especial honor, the one people for their long
standing and uniform fidelity toward the Roman people, the other for their late
service in the Gallic war, there was scarcely a state which was not suspected
by us. And I do not know whether that ought much to be wondered at, as well for
several other reasons, as particularly because they who ranked above all
nations for prowess in war, most keenly regretted that they had lost so much of
that reputation as to submit to commands from the Roman people.
55
But the Triviri and Indutiomarus let no part of the entire winter pass without
sending embassadors across the Rhine, importuning the states, promising money,
and asserting that, as a large portion of our army had been cut off, a much
smaller portion remained. However, none of the German States could be induced
to cross the Rhine, since “they had twice essayed it,” they said, “in the war with
Ariovistus and in the passage of the Tenchtheri there; that fortune was not to
be tempted any more.” Indutiomarus disappointed in this expectation,
nevertheless began to raise troops, and discipline them, and procure horses
from the neighboring people, and allure to him by great rewards the outlaws and
convicts throughout Gaul. And such great influence had he already acquired for
himself in Gaul by these means, that embassies were flocking to him in all
directions, and seeking, publicly and privately, his favor and friendship.
56
When he perceived that they were coming to him voluntarily; that on the one
side the Senones and the Carnutes were stimulated by their consciousness of
guilt, on the other side the Nervii and the Aduatuci were preparing war against
the Romans, and that forces of volunteers would not be wanting to him if he
began to advance from his own territories, he proclaims an armed council (this
according to the custom of the Gauls in the commencement of war) at which, by a
common law, all the youth were wont to assemble in arms, whoever of them comes
last is killed in the sight of the whole assembly after being racked with every
torture. In that council he declares Cingetorix, the leader of the other faction,
his own son-in-law (whom we have above mentioned, as having embraced the
protection of Caesar, and never having deserted him) an enemy and confiscates
his property. When these things were finished, he asserts in the council that
he, invited by the Senones and the Carnutes, and several other states of Gaul,
was about to march thither through the territories of the Remi, devastate their
lands, and attack the camp of Labienus: before he does that, he informs them of
what he desires to be done.
57
Labienus, since he was confining himself within a camp strongly fortified by
the nature of the ground and by art, had no apprehensions as to his own and the
legion’s danger, but was devising that he might throw away no opportunity of
conducting the war successfully. Accordingly, the speech of Indutiomarus, which
he had delivered in the council, having been made known [to him] by Cingetorix
and his allies, he sends messengers to the neighboring states and summons horse
from all quarters: he appoints to them a fixed day for assembling. In the mean
time, Indutiomarus, with all his cavalry, nearly every day used to parade close
to his [Labienus’] camp; at one time, that he might inform himself of the
situation of the camp; at another time, for the purpose of conferring with or
of intimidating him. Labienus confined his men within the fortifications, and
promoted the enemy’s belief of his fear by whatever methods he could.
58
Since Indutiomarus was daily advancing up to the camp with greater defiance,
all the cavalry of the neighboring states which he [Labienus] had taken care to
have sent for, having been admitted in one night, he confined all his men
within the camp by guards with such great strictness, that that fact could by
no means be reported or carried to the Treviri. In the mean while,
Indutiomarus, according to his daily practice, advances up to the camp and
spends a great part of the day there: his horse cast their weapons, and with
very insulting language call out our men to battle. No reply being given by our
men, the enemy, when they thought proper, depart toward evening in a disorderly
and scattered manner, Labienus unexpectedly sends out all the cavalry by two
gates; he gives this command and prohibition, that, when the enemy should be
terrified and put to flight (which he foresaw would happen, as it did), they
should all make for Indutiomarus, and no one wound any man before he should
have seen him slain, because he was unwilling that he should escape, in
consequence of gaining time by the delay [occasioned by the pursuit] of the
rest. He offers great rewards for those who should kill him: he sends up the
cohorts as a relief to the horse. The issue justifies the policy of the man,
and since all aimed at one, Indutiomarus is slain, having been overtaken at the
very ford of the river, and his head is carried to the camp, the horse, when
returning, pursue and slay all whom they can. This affair having been known,
all the forces of the Eburones and the Nervii which had assembled, depart; and
for a short time after this action, Caesar was less harassed in the government
of Gaul.
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