Book VII
1
Gaul
being tranquil, Caesar, as he had determined, sets out for Italy to hold the
provincial assizes. There he receives intelligence of the death of Clodius;
and, being informed of the decree of the senate, [to the effect] that all the
youth of Italy should take the military oath, he determined to hold a levy
throughout the entire province. Report of these events is rapidly borne into
Transalpine Gaul. The Gauls themselves add to the report, and invent what the
case seemed to require, [namely] that Caesar was detained by commotions in the
city, and could not, amid so violent dissensions, come to his army. Animated by
this opportunity, they who already, previously to this occurrence, were
indignant that they were reduced beneath the dominion of Rome, begin to
organize their plans for war more openly and daringly. The leading men of Gaul,
having convened councils among themselves in the woods, and retired places,
complain of the death of Acco: they point out that this fate may fall in turn
on themselves: they bewail the unhappy fate of Gaul; and by every sort of
promises and rewards, they earnestly solicit some to begin the war, and assert
the freedom of Gaul at the hazard of their lives. They say that special care
should be paid to this, that Caesar should be cut off from his army before
their secret plans should be divulged. That this was easy, because neither
would the legions, in the absence of their general, dare to leave their winter
quarters, nor could the general reach his army without a guard: finally, that
it was better to be slain in battle, than not to recover their ancient glory in
war, and that freedom which they had received from their forefathers.
2
While these things are in agitation, the Carnutes declare “that they would
decline no danger for the sake of the general safety,” and promise “that they
would be the first of all to begin the war;” and since they can not at present
take precautions, by giving and receiving hostages, that the affair shall not
be divulged, they require that a solemn assurance be given them by oath and
plighted honor, their military standards being brought together (in which
manner their most sacred obligations are made binding), that they should not be
deserted by the rest of the Gauls on commencing the war.
3
When the appointed day came, the Carnutes, under the command of Cotuatus and
Conetodunus, desperate men, meet together at Genabum, and slay the Roman
citizens who had settled there for the purpose of trading (among the rest,
Caius Fusius Cita, a distinguished Roman knight, who by Caesar’s orders had
presided over the provision department), and plunder their property. The report
is quickly spread among all the states of Gaul; for, whenever a more important
and remarkable event takes place, they transmit the intelligence through their
lands and districts by a shout; the others take it up in succession, and pass
it to their neighbors, as happened on this occasion; for the things which were
done at Genabum at sunrise, were heard in the territories of the Arverni before
the end of the first watch, which is an extent of more than a hundred and sixty
miles.
4
There in like manner, Vercingetorix the son of Celtillus the Arvernian, a young
man of the highest power (whose father had held the supremacy of entire Gaul,
and had been put to death by his fellow-citizens, for this reason, because he
aimed at sovereign power), summoned together his dependents, and easily excited
them. On his design being made known, they rush to arms: he is expelled from
the town of Gergovia, by his uncle Gobanitio and the rest of the nobles, who
were of opinion, that such an enterprise ought not to be hazarded: he did not
however desist, but held in the country a levy of the needy and desperate.
Having collected such a body of troops, he brings over to his sentiments such
of his fellow-citizens as he has access to: he exhorts them to take up arms in
behalf of the general freedom, and having assembled great forces he drives from
the state his opponents, by whom he had been expelled a short time previously.
He is saluted king by his partisans; he sends embassadors in every direction,
he conjures them to adhere firmly to their promise. He quickly attaches to his
interests the Senones, Parisii, Pictones, Cadurci, Turones, Aulerci, Lemovice,
and all the others who border on the ocean; the supreme command is conferred on
him by unanimous consent. On obtaining this authority, he demands hostages from
all these states, he orders a fixed number of soldiers to be sent to him
immediately; he determines what quantity of arms each state shall prepare at
home, and before what time; he pays particular attention to the cavalry. To the
utmost vigilance he adds the utmost rigor of authority; and by the severity of
his punishments brings over the wavering: for on the commission of a greater
crime he puts the perpetrators to death by fire and every sort of tortures; for
a slighter cause, he sends home the offenders with their ears cut off, or one
of their eyes put out, that they may be an example to the rest, and frighten
others by the severity of their punishment.
5
Having quickly collected an army by their punishments, he sends Lucterius, one
of the Cadurci, a man the utmost daring, with part of his forces, into the
territory of the Ruteni; and marches in person into the country of the Bituriges.
On his arrival, the Bituriges send embassadors to the Aedui, under whose
protection they were, to solicit aid in order that they might more easily
resist the forces of the enemy. The Aedui, by the advice of the lieutenants
whom Caesar had left with the army, send supplies of horse and foot to succor
the Bituriges. When they came to the river Loire, which separates the Bituriges
from the Aedui, they delayed a few days there, and, not daring to pass the
river, return home, and send back word to the lieutenants that they had
returned through fear of the treachery of the Bituriges, who, they ascertained,
had formed this design, that if the Aedui should cross the river, the Bituriges
on the one side, and the Arverni on the other, should surround them. Whether
they did this for the reason which they alleged to the lieutenants, or
influenced by treachery, we think that we ought not to state as certain,
because we have no proof. On their departure, the Bituriges immediately unite
themselves to the Arverni.
6
These affairs being announced to Caesar in Italy, at the time when he
understood that matters in the city had been reduced to a more tranquil state
by the energy of Cneius Pompey, he set out for Transalpine Gaul. After he had
arrived there, he was greatly at a loss to know by what means he could reach
his army. For if he should summon the legions into the province, he was aware
that on their march they would have to fight in his absence; he foresaw too
that if he himself should endeavor to reach the army, he would act
injudiciously, in trusting his safety even to those who seemed to be
tranquilized.
7
In the mean time Lucterius the Cadurcan, having been sent into the country of the
Ruteni, gains over that state to the Arverni. Having advanced into the country
of the Nitiobriges, and Gabali, he receives hostages from both nations, and,
assembling a numerous force, marches to make a descent on the province in the
direction of Narbo. Caesar, when this circumstance was announced to him,
thought that the march to Narbo ought to take the precedence of all his other
plans. When he arrived there, he encourages the timid and stations garrisons
among the Ruteni, in the province of the Volcae Arecomici, and the country
around Narbo which was in the vicinity of the enemy; he orders a portion of the
forces from the province, and the recruits which he had brought from Italy, to
rendezvous among the Helvii who border on the territories of the Arverni.
8
These matters being arranged, and Lucterius now checked and forced to retreat,
because he thought it dangerous to enter the line of Roman garrisons, Caesar
marches into the country of the Helvii; although mount Cevennes, which
separates the Arverni from the Helvii, blocked up the way with very deep snow,
as it was the severest season of the year; yet having cleared away the snow to
the depth of six feet, and having opened the roads, he reaches the territories of
the Arverni, with infinite labor to his soldiers. This people being surprised,
because they considered themselves defended by the Cevennes as by a wall, and
the paths at this season of the year had never before been passable even to
individuals, he orders the cavalry to extend themselves as far as they could,
and strike as great a panic as possible into the enemy. These proceedings are
speedily announced to Vercingetorix by rumor and his messengers. Around him all
the Arverni crowd in alarm, and solemnly entreat him to protect their property,
and not to suffer them to be plundered by the enemy, especially as he saw that
all the war was transferred into their country. Being prevailed upon by their
entreaties he moves his camp from the country of the Bituriges in the direction
of the Arverni.
9
Caesar, having delayed two days in that place, because he had anticipated that,
in the natural course of events, such would be the conduct of Vercingetorix,
leaves the army under pretense of raising recruits and cavalry: he places
Brutus, a young man, in command of these forces; he gives him instructions that
the cavalry should range as extensively as possible in all directions; that he
would exert himself not to be absent from the camp longer than three days.
Having arranged these matters, he marches to Vienna by as long journeys as he
can, when his own soldiers did not expect him. Finding there a fresh body of
cavalry, which he had sent on to that place several days before, marching
incessantly night and day, he advanced rapidly through the territory of the
Aedui into that of the Lingones, in which two legions were wintering, that, if
any plan affecting his own safety should have been organized by the Aedui, he
might defeat it by the rapidity of his movements. When he arrived there, he
sends information to the rest of the legions, and gathers all his army into one
place before intelligence of his arrival could be announced to the Arverni.
Vercingetorix, on hearing this circumstance, leads back his army into the
country of the Bituriges; and after marching from it to Gergovia, a town of the
Boii, whom Caesar had settled there after defeating them in the Helvetian war,
and had rendered tributary to the Aedui, he determined to attack it.
10
This action caused great perplexity to Caesar in the selection of his plans;
[he feared] lest, if he should confine his legions in one place for the
remaining portion of the winter, all Gaul should revolt when the tributaries of
the Aedui were subdued, because it would appear that there was in him no
protection for his friends; but if he should draw them too soon out of their
winter quarters, he might be distressed by the want of provisions, in
consequence of the difficulty of conveyance. It seemed better, however, to
endure every hardship than to alienate the affections of all his allies, by
submitting to such an insult. Having, therefore, impressed on the Aedui the
necessity of supplying him with provisions, he sends forward messengers to the
Boii to inform them of his arrival, and encourage them to remain firm in their
allegiance, and resist the attack of the enemy with great resolution. Having
left two legions and the luggage of the entire army at Agendicum, he marches to
the Boii.
11
On the second day, when he came to Vellaunodunum, a town of the Senones, he
determined to attack it, in order that he might not leave an enemy in his rear,
and might the more easily procure supplies of provisions, and draw a line of
circumvallation around it in two days: on the third day, embassadors being sent
from the town to treat of a capitulation, he orders their arms to be brought
together, their cattle to be brought forth, and six hundred hostages to be
given. He leaves Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to complete these
arrangements; he himself sets out with the intention of marching as soon as
possible, to Genabum, a town of the Carnutes, who having then for the first
time received information of the siege of Vellaunodunum, as they thought that
it would be protracted to a longer time, were preparing a garrison to send to
Genabum for the defense of that town. Caesar arrived here in two days; after
pitching his camp before the town, being prevented by the time of the day, he
defers the attack to the next day, and orders his soldiers to prepare whatever
was necessary for that enterprise; and as a bridge over the Loire connected the
town of Genabum with the opposite bank, fearing lest the inhabitants should
escape by night from the town, he orders two legions to keep watch under arms.
The people of Genabum came forth silently from the city before midnight, and
began to cross the river. When this circumstance was announced by scouts,
Caesar, having set fire to the gates, sends in the legions which he had ordered
to be ready, and obtains possession of the town so completely, that very few of
the whole number of the enemy escaped being taken alive, because the narrowness
of the bridge and the roads prevented the multitude from escaping. He pillages
and burns the town, gives the booty to the soldiers, then leads his army over
the Loire, and marches into the territories of the Bituriges.
12
Vercingetorix, when he ascertained the arrival of Caesar, desisted from the
siege [of Gergovia], and marched to meet Caesar. The latter had commenced to
besiege Noviodunum; and when embassadors came from this town to beg that he
would pardon them and spare their lives, in order that he might execute the
rest of his designs with the rapidity by which he had accomplished most of
them, he orders their arms to be collected, their horses to be brought forth,
and hostages to be given. A part of the hostages being now delivered up, when
the rest of the terms were being performed, a few centurions and soldiers being
sent into the town to collect the arms and horses, the enemy’s cavalry which
had outstripped the main body of Vercingetorix’s army, was seen at a distance;
as soon as the townsmen beheld them, and entertained hopes of assistance,
raising a shout, they began to take up arms, shut the gates, and line the
walls. When the centurions in the town understood from the signal-making of the
Gauls that they were forming some new design, they drew their swords and seized
the gates, and recovered all their men safe.
13
Caesar orders the horse to be drawn out of the camp, and commences a cavalry
action. His men being now distressed, Caesar sends to their aid about four
hundred German horse, which he had determined, at the beginning, to keep with
himself. The Gauls could not withstand their attack, but were put to flight,
and retreated to their main body, after losing a great number of men. When they
were routed, the townsmen, again intimidated, arrested those persons by whose
exertions they thought that the mob had been roused, and brought them to
Caesar, and surrendered themselves to him. When these affairs were
accomplished, Caesar marched to the Avaricum, which was the largest and best
fortified town in the territories of the Bituriges, and situated in a most
fertile tract of country; because he confidently expected that on taking that
town, he would reduce beneath his dominion the state of the Bituriges.
14
Vercingetorix, after sustaining such a series of losses at Vellaunodunum,
Genabum, and Noviodunum, summons his men to a council. He impresses on them
“that the war must be prosecuted on a very different system from that which had
been previously adopted; but they should by all means aim at this object, that
the Romans should be prevented from foraging and procuring provisions; that
this was easy, because they themselves were well supplied with cavalry, and were
likewise assisted by the season of the year; that forage could not be cut; that
the enemy must necessarily disperse, and look for it in the houses, that all
these might be daily destroyed by the horse. Besides that the interests of
private property must be neglected for the sake of the general safety; that the
villages and houses ought to be fired, over such an extent of country in every
direction from Boia, as the Romans appeared capable of scouring in their search
for forage. That an abundance of these necessaries could be supplied to them,
because they would be assisted by the resources of those in whose territories
the war would be waged: that the Romans either would not bear the privation, or
else would advance to any distance from the camp with considerable danger; and
that it made no difference whether they slew them or stripped them of their
baggage, since, if it was lost, they could not carry on the war. Besides that,
the towns ought to be burned which were not secured against every danger by their
fortifications or natural advantages; that there should not be places of
retreat for their own countrymen for declining military service, nor be exposed
to the Romans as inducements to carry off abundance of provisions and plunder.
If these sacrifices should appear heavy or galling, that they ought to consider
it much more distressing that their wives and children should be dragged off to
slavery, and themselves slain; the evils which must necessarily befall the
conquered.
15
This opinion having been approved of by unanimous consent, more than twenty
towns of the Bituriges are burned in one day. Conflagrations are beheld in
every quarter; and although all bore this with great regret, yet they laid
before themselves this consolation, that, as the victory was certain, they
could quickly recover their losses. There is a debate concerning Avaricum in
the general council, whether they should decide, that it should be burned or
defended. The Bituriges threw themselves at the feet of all the Gauls, and
entreat that they should not be compelled to set fire with their own hands to
the fairest city of almost the whole of Gaul, which was both a protection and
ornament to the state; they say that “they could easily defend it, owing to the
nature of the ground, for, being inclosed almost on every side by a river and a
marsh, it had only one entrance, and that very narrow.” Permission being
granted to them at their earnest request, Vercingetorix at first dissuades them
from it, but afterward concedes the point, owing to their entreaties and the
compassion of the soldiers. A proper garrison is selected for the town.
16
Vercingetorix follows closely upon Caesar by shorter marches, and selects for
his camp a place defended by woods and marshes, at the distance of fifteen
miles from Avaricum. There he received intelligence by trusty scouts, every
hour in the day, of what was going on at Avaricum, and ordered whatever he
wished to be done; he closely watched all our expeditions for corn and forage,
and whenever they were compelled to go to a greater distance, he attacked them
when dispersed, and inflicted severe loss upon them; although the evil was
remedied by our men, as far as precautions could be taken, by going forth at
irregular times’ and by different ways.
17
Caesar pitching his camp at that side of the town which was not defended by the
river and marsh, and had a very narrow approach, as we have mentioned, began to
raise the vineae and erect two towers: for the nature of the place prevented
him from drawing a line of circumvallation. He never ceased to importune the
Boii and Aedui for supplies of corn; of whom the one [the Aedui], because they
were acting with no zeal, did not aid him much; the others [the Boii], as their
resources were not great, quickly consumed what they had. Although the army was
distressed by the greatest want of corn, through the poverty of the Boii, the
apathy of the Aedui, and the burning of the houses, to such a degree, that for
several days the soldiers were without corn, and satisfied their extreme hunger
with cattle driven from the remote villages; yet no language was heard from
them unworthy of the majesty of the Roman people and their former victories.
Moreover, when Caesar addressed the legions, one by one, when at work, and said
that he would raise the siege, if they felt the scarcity too severely, they
unanimously begged him “not to do so; that they had served for several years
under his command in such a manner that they never submitted to insult, and
never abandoned an enterprise without accomplishing it; that they should
consider it a disgrace if they abandoned the siege after commencing it; that it
was better to endure every hardship than to not avenge the names of the Roman
citizens who perished at Genabum by the perfidy of the Gauls.” They intrusted
the same declarations to the centurions and military tribunes, that through
them they might be communicated to Caesar.
18
When the towers had now approached the walls, Caesar ascertained from the
captives that Vercingetorix after destroying the forage, had pitched his camp
nearer Avaricum, and that he himself with the cavalry and light-armed infantry,
who generally fought among the horse, had gone to lay an ambuscade in that
quarter, to which he thought that our troops would come the next day to forage.
On learning these facts, he set out from the camp secretly at midnight, and
reached the camp of the enemy early in the morning. They having quickly learned
the arrival of Caesar by scouts, hid their cars and baggage in the thickest
parts of the woods, and drew up all their forces in a lofty and open space:
which circumstance being announced, Caesar immediately ordered the baggage to
be piled, and the arms to be got ready.
19
There was a hill of a gentle ascent from the bottom; a dangerous and impassable
marsh, not more than fifty feet broad, begirt it on almost every side. The
Gauls, having broken down the bridges, posted themselves on this hill, in
confidence of their position, and being drawn up in tribes according to their
respective states, held all the fords and passages of that marsh with trusty
guards, thus determined that if the Romans should attempt to force the marsh,
they would overpower them from the higher ground while sticking in it, so that
whoever saw the nearness of the position, would imagine that the two armies
were prepared to fight on almost equal terms; but whoever should view
accurately the disadvantage of position, would discover that they were showing
off an empty affectation of courage. Caesar clearly points out to his soldiers,
who were indignant that the enemy could bear the sight of them at the distance
of so short a space, and were earnestly demanding the signal for action, “with
how great loss and the death of how many gallant men the victory would
necessarily be purchased: and when he saw them so determined to decline no
danger for his renown, that he ought to be considered guilty of the utmost
injustice if he did not hold their life dearer than his personal safety.”
Having thus consoled his soldiers, he leads them back on the same day to the
camp, and determined to prepare the other things which were necessary for the
siege of the town.
20
Vercingetorix, when he had returned to his men, was accused of treason, in that
he had moved his camp nearer the Romans, in that he had gone away with all the
cavalry, in that he had left so great forces without a commander, in that, on
his departure, the Romans had come at such a favorable season, and with such
dispatch; that all these circumstances could not have happened accidentally or
without design; that he preferred holding the sovereignty of Gaul by the grant
of Caesar to acquiring it by their favor. Being accused in such a manner, he
made the following reply to these charges:—“That his moving his camp had been
caused by want of forage, and had been done even by their advice; that his
approaching near the Romans had been a measure dictated by the favorable nature
of the ground, which would defend him by its natural strength; that the service
of the cavalry could not have been requisite in marshy ground, and was useful
in that place to which they had gone; that he, on his departure, had given the
supreme command to no one intentionally, lest he should be induced by the
eagerness of the multitude to hazard an engagement, to which he perceived that
all were inclined, owing to their want of energy, because they were unable to
endure fatigue any longer. That, if the Romans in the mean time came up by
chance, they [the Gauls] should feel grateful to fortune; if invited by the
information of some one they should feel grateful to him, because they were
enabled to see distinctly from the higher ground the smallness of the number of
their enemy, and despise the courage of those who, not daring to fight,
retreated disgracefully into their camp. That he desired no power from Caesar
by treachery, since he could have it by victory, which was now assured to
himself and to all the Gauls; nay, that he would even give them back the
command, if they thought that they conferred honor on him, rather than received
safety from him. That you may be assured,” said he, “that I speak these words
with truth;—listen to these Roman soldiers!” He produces some camp-followers
whom he had surprised on a foraging expedition some days before, and had
tortured by famine and confinement. They being previously instructed in what
answers they should make when examined, say, “That they were legionary
soldiers, that, urged by famine and want, they had recently gone forth from the
camp, [to see] if they could find any corn or cattle in the fields; that the
whole army was distressed by a similar scarcity, nor had any one now sufficient
strength, nor could bear the labor of the work; and therefore that the general
was determined, if he made no progress in the siege, to draw off his army in
three days.” “These benefits,” says Vercingetorix, “you receive from me, whom
you accuse of treason—me, by whose exertions you see so powerful and victorious
an army almost destroyed by famine, without shedding one drop of your blood;
and I have taken precautions that no state shall admit within its territories
this army in its ignominious flight from this place.”
21
The whole multitude raise a shout and clash their arms, according to their
custom, as they usually do in the case of him of whose speech they approve;
[they exclaim] that Vercingetorix was a consummate general, and that they had
no doubt of his honor; that the war could not be conducted with greater
prudence. They determine that ten thousand men should be picked out of the
entire army and sent into the town, and decide that the general safety should
not be intrusted to the Bituriges alone, because they were aware that the glory
of the victory must rest with the Bituriges, if they made good the defense of
the town.
22
To the extraordinary valor of our soldiers, devices of every sort were opposed
by the Gauls; since they are a nation of consummate ingenuity, and most
skillful in imitating and making those things which are imparted by any one;
for they turned aside the hooks with nooses, and when they had caught hold of
them firmly, drew them on by means of engines, and undermined the mound the
more skillfully on this account, because there are in their territories
extensive iron mines, and consequently every description of mining operations
is known and practiced by them. They had furnished, more over, the whole wall
on every side with turrets, and had covered them with skins. Besides, in their
frequent sallies by day and night, they attempted either to set fire to the
mound, or attack our soldiers when engaged in the works; and, moreover, by
splicing the upright timbers of their own towers, they equaled the height of
ours, as fast as the mound had daily raised them, and countermined our mines,
and impeded the working of them by stakes bent and sharpened at the ends, and
boiling pitch and stones of very great weight, and prevented them from
approaching the walls.
23
But this is usually the form of all the Gallic walls. Straight beams, connected
lengthwise and two feet distant from each other at equal intervals, are placed
together on the ground; these are mortised on the inside, and covered with
plenty of earth. But the intervals which we have mentioned, are closed up in
front by large stones. These being thus laid and cemented together, another row
is added above, in such a manner, that the same interval may be observed, and
that the beams may not touch one another, but equal spaces intervening, each
row of beams is kept firmly in its place by a row of stones. In this manner the
whole wall is consolidated, until the regular height of the wall be completed.
This work, with respect to appearance and variety, is not unsightly, owing to
the alternate rows of beams and stones, which preserve their order in right
lines; and, besides, it possesses great advantages as regards utility and the
defense of cities; for the stone protects it from fire, and the wood from the
battering ram, since it [the wood] being mortised in the inside with rows of
beams, generally forty feet each in length, can neither be broken through nor
torn asunder.
24
The siege having been impeded by so many disadvantages, the soldiers, although
they were retarded during the whole time by the mud, cold, and constant
showers, yet by their incessant labor overcame all these obstacles, and in
twenty-five days raised a mound three hundred and thirty feet broad and eighty
feet high. When it almost touched the enemy’s walls, and Caesar, according to
his usual custom, kept watch at the work, and encouraged the soldiers not to
discontinue the work for a moment: a little before the third watch they
discovered that the mound was sinking, since the enemy had set it on fire by a
mine; and at the same time a shout was raised along the entire wall, and a
sally was made from two gates on each side of the turrets. Some at a distance
were casting torches and dry wood from the wall on the mound, others were
pouring on it pitch, and other materials, by which the flame might be excited,
so that a plan could hardly be formed, as to where they should first run to the
defense, or to what part aid should be brought. However, as two legions always
kept guard before the camp by Caesar’s orders, and several of them were at
stated times at the work, measures were promptly taken, that some should oppose
the sallying party, others draw back the towers and make a cut in the rampart;
and moreover, that the whole army should hasten from the camp to extinguish the
flames.
25
When the battle was going on in every direction, the rest of the night being
now spent, and fresh hopes of victory always arose before the enemy: the more
so on this account because they saw the coverings of our towers burnt away, and
perceived, that we, being exposed, could not easily go to give assistance, and
they themselves were always relieving the weary with fresh men, and considered
that all the safety of Gaul rested on this crisis; there happened in my own
view a circumstance which, having appeared to be worthy of record, we thought
it ought not to be omitted. A certain Gaul before the gate of the town, who was
casting into the fire opposite the turret balls of tallow and fire which were
passed along to him, was pierced with a dart on the right side and fell dead.
One of those next him stepped over him as he lay, and discharged the same
office: when the second man was slain in the same manner by a wound from a
cross-bow, a third succeeded him, and a fourth succeeded the third: nor was
this post left vacant by the besieged, until, the fire of the mound having been
extinguished, and the enemy repulsed in every direction, an end was put to the
fighting.
26
The Gauls having tried every expedient, as nothing had succeeded, adopted the
design of fleeing from the town the next day, by the advice and order of
Vercingetorix. They hoped that, by attempting it at the dead of night, they
would effect it without any great loss of men, because the camp of
Vercingetorix was not far distant from the town, and the extensive marsh which
intervened, was likely to retard the Romans in the pursuit. And they were now
preparing to execute this by night, when the matrons suddenly ran out-into the
streets, and weeping cast themselves at the feet of their husbands, and
requested of them, with every entreaty, that they should not abandon themselves
and their common children to the enemy for punishment, because the weakness of
their nature and physical powers prevented them from taking to flight. When
they saw that they (as fear does not generally admit of mercy in extreme
danger) persisted in their resolution, they began to shout aloud, and give
intelligence of their flight to the Romans. The Gauls being intimidated by fear
of this, lest the passes should be pre-occupied by the Roman cavalry, desisted
from their design.
27
The next day Caesar, the tower being advanced, and the works which he had
determined to raise being arranged, a violent storm arising, thought this no
bad time for executing his designs, because he observed the guards arranged on
the walls a little too negligently, and therefore ordered his own men to engage
in their work more remissly, and pointed out what he wished to be done. He drew
up his soldiers in a secret position within the vineae, and exhorts them to
reap, at least, the harvest of victory proportionate to their exertions. He
proposed a reward for those who should first scale the walls, and gave the
signal to the soldiers. They suddenly flew out from all quarters and quickly
filled the walls.
28
The enemy being alarmed by the suddenness of the attack, were dislodged from
the wall and towers, and drew up, in form of a wedge, in the market place and
the open streets, with this intention that, if an attack should be made on any
side, they should fight with their line drawn up to receive it. When they saw
no one descending to the level ground, and the enemy extending themselves along
the entire wall in every direction, fearing lest every hope of flight should be
cut off, they cast away their arms, and sought, without stopping, the most
remote parts of the town. A part was then slain by the infantry when they were
crowding upon one another in the narrow passage of the gates; and a part having
got without the gates, were cut to pieces by the cavalry: nor was there one who
was anxious for the plunder. Thus, being excited by the massacre at Genabum and
the fatigue of the siege, they spared neither those worn out with years, women,
or children. Finally, out of all that number, which amounted to about forty
thousand, scarcely eight hundred, who fled from the town when they heard the
first alarm, reached Vercingetorix in safety: and he, the night being now far
spent, received them in silence after their flight (fearing that any sedition
should arise in the camp from their entrance in a body and the compassion of
the soldiers), so that, having arranged his friends and the chiefs of the
states at a distance on the road, he took precautions that they should be
separated and conducted to their fellow countrymen, to whatever part of the camp
had been assigned to each state from the beginning.
29
Vercingetorix having convened an assembly on the following day, consoled and
encouraged his soldiers in the following words:—“That they should not be too
much depressed in spirit, nor alarmed at their loss; that the Romans did not
conquer by valor nor in the field, but by a kind of art and skill in assault,
with which they themselves were unacquainted; that whoever expected every event
in the war to be favorable, erred; that it never was his opinion that Avaricum
should be defended, of the truth of which statement he had themselves as
witnesses, but that it was owing to the imprudence of the Bituriges, and the
too ready compliance of the rest, that this loss was sustained; that, however,
he would soon compensate it by superior advantages; for that he would, by his
exertions, bring over those states which severed themselves from the rest of
the Gauls, and would create a general unanimity throughout the whole of Gaul,
the union of which not even the whole earth could withstand, and that he had it
already almost effected; that in the mean time it was reasonable that he should
prevail on them, for the sake of the general safety, to begin to fortify their
camp, in order that they might the more easily sustain the sudden attacks of
the enemy.”
30
This speech was not disagreeable to the Gauls, principally, because he himself
was not disheartened by receiving so severe a loss, and had not concealed
himself, nor shunned the eyes of the people: and he was believed to possess
greater foresight and sounder judgment than the rest, because, when the affair
was undecided, he had at first been of opinion that Avaricum should be burnt,
and afterward that it should be abandoned. Accordingly, as ill success weakens
the authority of other generals, so, on the contrary, his dignity increased
daily, although a loss was sustained: at the same time they began to entertain
hopes, on his assertion, of uniting the rest of the states to themselves, and
on this occasion, for the first time, the Gauls began to fortify their camps,
and were so alarmed that although they were men unaccustomed to toil, yet they
were of opinion that they ought to endure and suffer every thing which should
be imposed upon them.
31
Nor did Vercingetorix use less efforts than he had promised, to gain over the
other states, and [in consequence] endeavored to entice their leaders by gifts
and promises. For this object he selected fitting emissaries, by whose subtle
pleading or private friendship, each of the nobles could be most easily
influenced. He takes care that those who fled to him on the storming of
Avaricum should be provided with arms and clothes. At the same time that his
diminished forces should be recruited, he levies a fixed quota of soldiers from
each state, and defines the number and day before which he should wish them
brought to the camp, and orders all the archers, of whom there was a very great
number in Gaul, to be collected and sent to him. By these means, the troops
which were lost at Avaricum are speedily replaced. In the mean time,
Teutomarus, the son of Ollovicon, the king of the Nitiobriges, whose father had
received the appellation of friend from our senate, came to him with a great
number of his own horse and those whom he had hired from Aquitania.
32
Caesar, after delaying several days at Avaricum, and, finding there the
greatest plenty of corn and other provisions, refreshed his army after their
fatigue and privation. The winter being almost ended, when he was invited by
the favorable season of the year to prosecute the war and march against the
enemy, [and try] whether he could draw them from the marshes and woods, or else
press them by a blockade; some noblemen of the Aedui came to him as embassadors
to entreat “that in an extreme emergency he should succor their state; that
their affairs were in the utmost danger, because, whereas single magistrates
had been usually appointed in ancient times and held the power of king for a
single year, two persons now exercised this office, and each asserted that he
was appointed according to their laws. That one of them was Convictolitanis, a powerful
and illustrious youth; the other Cotus, sprung from a most ancient family, and
personally a man of very great influence and extensive connections. His brother
Valetiacus had borne the same office during the last year: that the whole state
was up in arms; the senate divided, the people divided; that each of them had
his own adherents; and that, if the animosity would be fomented any longer, the
result would be that one part of the state would come to a collision with the
other; that it rested with his activity and influence to prevent it.”
33
Although Caesar considered it ruinous to leave the war and the enemy, yet,
being well aware what great evils generally arise from internal dissensions,
lest a state so powerful and so closely connected with the Roman people, which
he himself had always fostered and honored in every respect, should have
recourse to violence and arms, and that the party which had less confidence in
its own power should summon aid from Vercingetorix, he determined to anticipate
this movement; and because, by the laws of the Aedui, it was not permitted
those who held the supreme authority to leave the country, he determined to go
in person to the Aedui, lest he should appear to infringe upon their government
and laws, and summoned all the senate, and those between whom the dispute was,
to meet him at Decetia. When almost all the state had assembled there, and he
was informed that one brother had been declared magistrate by the other, when
only a few persons were privately summoned for the purpose, at a different time
and place from what he ought, whereas the laws not only forbade two belonging
to one family to be elected magistrates while each was alive, but even deterred
them from being in the senate, he compelled Cotus to resign his office; he
ordered Convictolitanis, who had been elected by the priests, according to the
usage of the state, in the presence of the magistrates, to hold the supreme
authority.
34
Having pronounced this decree between [the contending parties], he exhorted the
Aedui to bury in oblivion their disputes and dissensions, and, laying aside all
these things, devote themselves to the war, and expect from him, on the
conquest of Gaul, those rewards which they should have earned, and send
speedily to him all their cavalry and ten thousand infantry, which he might
place in different garrisons to protect his convoys of provisions, and then
divided his army into two parts: he gave Labienus four legions to lead into the
country of the Senones and Parisii; and led in person six into the country of
the Arverni, in the direction of the town of Gergovia, along the banks of the
Allier. He gave part of the cavalry to Labienus and kept part to himself. Vercingetorix,
on learning this circumstance, broke down all the bridges over the river and
began to march on the other bank of the Allier.
35
When each army was in sight of the other, and was pitching their camp almost
opposite that of the enemy, scouts being distributed in every quarter, lest the
Romans should build a bridge and bring over their troops; it was to Caesar a
matter attended with great difficulties, lest he should be hindered from
passing the river during the greater part of the summer, as the Allier can not
generally be forded before the autumn. Therefore, that this might not happen,
having pitched his camp in a woody place opposite to one of those bridges which
Vercingetorix had taken care should be broken down, the next day he stopped
behind with two legions in a secret place; he sent on the rest of the forces as
usual, with all the baggage, after having selected some cohorts, that the
number of the legions might appear to be complete. Having ordered these to
advance as far as they could, when now, from the time of day, he conjectured
they had come to an encampment, he began to rebuild the bridge on the same
piles, the lower part of which remained entire. Having quickly finished the
work and led his legions across, he selected a fit place for a camp, and
recalled the rest of his troops. Vercingetorix, on ascertaining this fact, went
before him by forced marches, in order that he might not be compelled to come
to an action against his will.
36
Caesar, in five days’ march, went from that place to Gergovia, and after
engaging in a slight cavalry skirmish that day, on viewing the situation of the
city, which, being built on a very high mountain, was very difficult of access,
he despaired of taking it by storm, and determined to take no measures with
regard to besieging it before he should secure a supply of provisions. But
Vercingetorix, having pitched his camp on the mountain near the town, placed
the forces of each state separately and at small intervals around himself, and
having occupied all the hills of that range as far as they commanded a view [of
the Roman encampment], he presented a formidable appearance; he ordered the
rulers of the states, whom he had selected as his council of war, to come to
him daily at the dawn, whether any measure seemed to require deliberation or
execution. Nor did he allow almost any day to pass without testing in a cavalry
action, the archers being intermixed, what spirit and valor there was in each
of his own men. There was a hill opposite the town, at the very foot of that
mountain, strongly fortified and precipitous on every side (which if our men
could gain, they seemed likely to exclude the enemy from a great share of their
supply of water, and from free foraging; but this place was occupied by them
with a weak garrison): however, Caesar set out from the camp in the silence of
night, and dislodging the garrison before succor could come from the town, he
got possession of the place and posted two legions there, and drew from the
greater camp to the less a double trench twelve feet broad, so that the
soldiers could even singly pass secure from any sudden attack of the enemy.
37
While these affairs were going on at Gergovia, Convictolanis, the Aeduan, to
whom we have observed the magistracy was adjudged by Caesar, being bribed by
the Arverni, holds a conference with certain young men, the chief of whom were
Litavicus and his brothers, who were born of a most noble family. He shares the
bribe with them, and exhorts them to “remember that they were free and born for
empire; that the state of the Aedui was the only one which retarded the most
certain victory of the Gauls; that the rest were held in check by its
authority; and, if it was brought over, the Romans would not have room to stand
on in Gaul; that he had received some kindness from Caesar, only so far,
however, as gaining a most just cause by his decision; but that he assigned
more weight to the general freedom; for, why should the Aedui go to Caesar to
decide concerning their rights and laws, rather than the Romans come to the
Aedui?” The young men being easily won over by the speech of the magistrate and
the bribe, when they declared that they would even be leaders in the plot, a
plan for accomplishing it was considered, because they were confident their
state could not be induced to undertake the war on slight grounds. It was
resolved that Litavicus should have the command of the ten thousand, which were
being sent to Caesar for the war, and should have charge of them on their
march, and that his brothers should go before him to Caesar. They arrange the
other measures, and the manner in which they should have them done.
38
Litavicus, having received the command of the army, suddenly convened the
soldiers, when he was about thirty miles distant from Gergovia, and, weeping,
said, “Soldiers, whither are we going? All our knights and all our nobles have
perished. Eporedirix and Viridomarus, the principal men of the state, being
accused of treason, have been slain by the Romans without any permission to
plead their cause. Learn this intelligence from those who have escaped from the
massacre; for I, since my brothers and all my relations have been slain, am
prevented by grief from declaring what has taken place. Persons are brought
forward whom he had instructed in what he would have them say, and make the
same statements to the soldiery as Litavicus had made: that all the knights of
the Aedui were slain because they were said to have held conferences with the
Arverni; that they had concealed themselves among the multitude of soldiers,
and had escaped from the midst of the slaughter. The Aedui shout aloud and
conjure Litavicus to provide for their safety. As if, said he, it were a matter
of deliberation, and not of necessity, for us to go to Gergovia and unite
ourselves to the Arverni. Or have we any reasons to doubt that the Romans,
after perpetrating the atrocious crime, are now hastening to slay us?
Therefore, if there be any spirit in us, let us avenge the death of those who
have perished in a most unworthy manner, and let us slay these robbers.” He
points to the Roman citizens, who had accompanied them, in reliance on his
protection. He immediately seizes a great quantity of corn and provisions,
cruelly tortures them, and then puts them to death, sends messengers throughout
the entire state of the Aedui, and rouses them completely by the same falsehood
concerning the slaughter of their knights and nobles; he earnestly advises them
to avenge, in the same manner as he did, the wrongs, which they had received.
39
Eporedirix, the Aeduan, a young man born in the highest rank and possessing
very great influence at home, and, along with Viridomarus, of equal age and
influence, but of inferior birth, whom Caesar had raised from a humble position
to the highest rank, on being recommended to him by Divitiacus, had come in the
number of horse, being summoned by Caesar by name. These had a dispute with
each other for precedence, and in the struggle between the magistrates they had
contended with their utmost efforts, the one for Convictolitanis, the other for
Cotus. Of these Eporedirix, on learning the design of Litavicus, lays the
matter before Caesar almost at midnight; he entreats that Caesar should not
suffer their state to swerve from the alliance with the Roman people, owing to
the depraved counsels of a few young men which he foresaw would be the
consequence if so many thousand men should unite themselves to the enemy, as
their relations could not neglect their safety, nor the state regard it as a
matter of slight importance.
40
Caesar felt great anxiety on this intelligence, because he had always
especially indulged the state of the Aedui, and, without any hesitation, draws
out from the camp four light-armed legions and all the cavalry: nor had he
time, at such a crisis, to contract the camp, because the affair seemed to
depend upon dispatch. He leaves Caius Fabius, his lieutenant, with two legions
to guard the camp. When he ordered the brothers of Litavicus to be arrested, he
discovers that they had fled a short time before to the camp of the enemy. He
encouraged his soldiers “not to be disheartened by the labor of the journey on
such a necessary occasion,” and, after advancing twenty-five miles, all being
most eager, he came in sight of the army of the Aedui, and, by sending on his
cavalry, retards and impedes their march; he then issues strict orders to all
his soldiers to kill no one. He commands Eporedirix and Viridomarus, who they
thought were killed, to move among the cavalry and address their friends. When
they were recognized and the treachery of Litavicus discovered, the Aedui began
to extend their hands to intimate submission, and, laying down their arms, to
deprecate death. Litavicus, with his clansmen, who after the custom of the
Gauls consider it a crime to desert their patrons, even in extreme misfortune,
flees forth to Gergovia.
41
Caesar, after sending messengers to the state of the Aedui, to inform them that
they whom he could have put to death by the right of war were spared through
his kindness, and after giving three hours of the night to his army for his
repose, directed his march to Gergovia. Almost in the middle of the journey, a
party of horse that were sent by Fabius stated in how great danger matters
were, they inform him that the camp was attacked by a very powerful army, while
fresh men were frequently relieving the wearied, and exhausting our soldiers by
the incessant toil, since on account of the size of the camp, they had
constantly to remain on the rampart; that many had been wounded by the immense
number of arrows and all kinds of missiles; that the engines were of great
service in withstanding them; that Fabius, at their departure, leaving only two
gates open, was blocking up the rest, and was adding breast-works to the
ramparts, and was preparing himself for a similar casualty on the following
day. Caesar, after receiving this information, reached the camp before sunrise
owing to the very great zeal of his soldiers.
42
While these things are going on at Gergovia, the Aedui, on receiving the first
announcements from Litavicus, leave themselves no time to ascertain the truth
of those statements. Some are stimulated by avarice, others by revenge and
credulity, which is an innate propensity in that race of men to such a degree
that they consider a slight rumor as an ascertained fact. They plunder the
property of the Roman citizens, and either massacre them or drag them away to
slavery. Convictolitanis increases the evil state of affairs, and goads on the
people to fury, that by the commission of some outrage they may be ashamed to
return to propriety. They entice from the town of Cabillonus, by a promise of
safety, Marcus Aristius, a military tribune, who was on his march to his
legion; they compel those who had settled there for the purpose of trading to
do the same. By constantly attacking them on their march they strip them of all
their baggage; they besiege day and night those that resisted; when many were
slain on both sides, they excite a great number to arms.
43
In the mean time, when intelligence was brought that all their soldiers were in
Caesar’s power, they run in a body to Aristius; they assure him that nothing
had been done by public authority; they order an inquiry to be made about the
plundered property; they confiscate the property of Litavicus and his brothers;
they send embassadors to Caesar for the purpose of clearing themselves. They do
all this with a view to recover their soldiers; but being contaminated by
guilt, and charmed by the gains arising from the plundered property, as that
act was shared in by many, and being tempted by the fear of punishment, they
began to form plans of war and stir up the other states by embassies. Although
Caesar was aware of this proceeding, yet he addresses the embassadors with as
much mildness as he can: “That he did not think worse of the state on account
of the ignorance and fickleness of the mob, nor would diminish his regard for
the Aedui.” He himself, fearing a greater commotion in Gaul, in order to
prevent his being surrounded by all the states, began to form plans as to the
manner in which he should return from Gergovia and again concentrate his
forces, lest a departure arising from the fear of a revolt should seem like a
flight.
44
While he was considering these things an opportunity of acting successfully
seemed to offer. For, when he had come into the smaller camp for the purpose of
securing the works, he noticed that the hill in the possession of the enemy was
stripped of men, although, on the former days, it could scarcely be seen on
account of the numbers on it. Being astonished, he inquires the reason of it
from the deserters, a great number of whom flocked to him daily. They all
concurred in asserting, what Caesar himself had already ascertained by his
scouts, that the back of that hill was almost level; but likewise woody and
narrow, by which there was a pass to the other side of the town; that they had
serious apprehensions for this place, and had no other idea, on the occupation
of one hill by the Romans, than that, if they should lose the other, they would
be almost surrounded, and cut off from all egress and foraging; that they were
all summoned by Vercingetorix to fortify this place.
45
Caesar, on being informed of this circumstance, sends several troops of horse
to the place immediately after midnight; he orders them to range in every
quarter with more tumult than usual. At dawn he orders a large quantity of
baggage to be drawn out of the camp, and the muleteers with helmets, in the
appearance and guise of horsemen, to ride round the hills. To these he adds a
few cavalry, with instructions to range more widely to make a show. He orders
them all to seek the same quarter by a long circuit; these proceedings were
seen at a distance from the town, as Gergovia commanded a view of the camp, nor
could the Gauls ascertain at so great a distance, what certainty there was in the
maneuver. He sends one legion to the same hill, and after it had marched a
little, stations it in the lower ground, and congeals it in the woods. The
suspicion of the Gauls are increased, and all their forces are marched to that
place to defend it. Caesar, having perceived the camp of the enemy deserted,
covers the military insignia of his men, conceals the standards, and transfers
his soldiers in small bodies from the greater to the less camp, and points out
to the lieutenants whom he had placed in command over the respective legions,
what he should wish to be done; he particularly advises them to restrain their
men from advancing too far, through their desire of fighting, or their hope of
plunder, he sets before them what disadvantages the unfavorable nature of the
ground carries with it; that they could be assisted by dispatch alone: that
success depended on a surprise, and not on a battle. After stating these
particulars, he gives the signal for action, and detaches the Aedui at the same
time by another ascent on the right.
46
The town wall was 1200 paces distant from the plain and foot of the ascent, in
a straight line, if no gap intervened; whatever circuit was added to this
ascent, to make the hill easy, increased the length of the route. But almost in
the middle of the hill, the Gauls had previously built a wall six feet high,
made of large stones, and extending in length as far as the nature of the
ground permitted, as a barrier to retard the advance of our men; and leaving
all the lower space empty, they had filled the upper part of the hill, as far
as the wall of the town, with their camps very close to one another. The
soldiers, on the signal being given, quickly advance to this fortification, and
passing over it, make themselves masters of the separate camps. And so great
was their activity in taking the camps, that Teutomarus, the king of the
Nitiobriges, being suddenly surprised in his tent, as he had gone to rest at
noon, with difficulty escaped from the hands of the plunderers, with the upper
part of his person naked, and his horse wounded.
47
Caesar, having accomplished the object which he had in view, ordered the signal
to be sounded for a retreat; and the soldiers of the tenth legion, by which he
was then accompanied, halted. But the soldiers of the other legions, not
hearing the sound of the trumpet, because there was a very large valley between
them, were however kept back by the tribunes of the soldiers and the lieutenants,
according to Caesar’s orders; but being animated by the prospect of speedy
victory, and the flight of the enemy, and the favorable battles of former
periods, they thought nothing so difficult that their bravery could not
accomplish it; nor did they put an end to the pursuit, until they drew nigh to
the wall of the town and the gates. But then, when a shout arose in every
quarter of the city, those who were at a distance being alarmed by the sudden
tumult, fled hastily from the town, since they thought that the enemy were
within the gates. The matrons begin to cast their clothes and silver over the
wall, and bending over as far as the lower part of the bosom, with outstretched
hands beseech the Romans to spare them, and not to sacrifice to their resentment
even women and children, as they had done at Avaricum. Some of them let
themselves down from the walls by their hands, and surrendered to our soldiers.
Lucius Fabius a centurion of the eighth legion, who, it was ascertained, had
said that day among his fellow soldiers that he was excited by the plunder of
Avaricum, and would not allow any one to mount the wall before him, finding
three men of his own company, and being raised up by them, scaled the wall. He
himself, in turn, taking hold of them one by one drew them up to the wall.
48
In the mean time those who had gone to the other part of the town to defend it,
as we have mentioned above, at first, aroused by hearing the shouts, and,
afterward, by frequent accounts, that the town was in possession of the Romans,
sent forward their cavalry, and hastened in larger numbers to that quarter. As
each first came he stood beneath the wall, and increased the number of his
countrymen engaged in action. When a great multitude of them had assembled, the
matrons, who a little before were stretching their hands from the walls to the
Romans, began to beseech their countrymen, and after the Gallic fashion to show
their disheveled hair, and bring their children into public view. Neither in
position nor in numbers was the contest an equal one to the Romans; at the same
time, being exhausted by running and the long continuation of the fight, they
could not easily withstand fresh and vigorous troops.
49
Caesar, when he perceived that his soldiers were fighting on unfavorable
ground, and that the enemy’s forces were increasing, being alarmed for the
safety of his troops, sent orders to Titus Sextius, one of his lieutenants,
whom he had left to guard the smaller camp, to lead out his cohorts quickly
from the camp, and post them at the foot of the hill, on the right wing of the
enemy; that if he should see our men driven from the ground, he should deter
the enemy from following too closely. He himself, advancing with the legion a
little from that place where he had taken his post, awaited the issue of the
battle.
50
While the fight was going on most vigorously, hand to hand, and the enemy
depended on their position and numbers, our men on their bravery, the Aedui
suddenly appeared on our exposed flank, as Caesar had sent them by another
ascent on the right, for the sake of creating a diversion. These, from the
similarity of their arms, greatly terrified our men; and although they were
discovered to have their right shoulders bare, which was usually the sign of
those reduced to peace, yet the soldiers suspected that this very thing was
done by the enemy to deceive them. At the same time Lucius Fabius the centurion,
and those who had scaled the wall with him, being surrounded and slain, were
cast from the wall. Marcus Petreius, a centurion of the same legion, after
attempting to hew down the gates, was overpowered by numbers, and, despairing
of his safety, having already received many wounds, said to the soldiers of his
own company who followed him: “Since I can not save you as well as myself, I
shall at least provide for your safety, since I, allured by the love of glory,
led you into this danger, do you save yourselves when an opportunity is given.”
At the same time he rushed into the midst of the enemy, and slaying two of
them, drove back the rest a little from the gate. When his men attempted to aid
him, “In vain,” he says, “you endeavor to procure me safety, since blood and
strength are now failing me, therefore leave this, while you have the
opportunity, and retreat to the legion.” Thus he fell fighting a few moments
after, and saved his men by his own death.
51
Our soldiers, being hard pressed on every side, were dislodged from their
position, with the loss of forty-six centurions; but the tenth legion, which
had been posted in reserve on ground a little more level, checked the Gauls in
their eager pursuit. It was supported by the cohorts of the thirteenth legion,
which, being led from the smaller camp, had, under the command of Titus
Sextius, occupied the higher ground. The legions, as soon as they reached the
plain, halted and faced the enemy. Vercingetorix led back his men from the part
of the hill within the fortifications. On that day little less than seven
hundred of the soldiers were missing.
52
On the next day, Caesar, having called a meeting, censured the rashness and
avarice of his soldiers, “In that they had judged for themselves how far they
ought to proceed, or what they ought to do, and could not be kept back by the
tribunes of the soldiers and the lieutenants;” and stated, “what the
disadvantage of the ground could effect, what opinion he himself had
entertained at Avaricum, when having surprised the enemy without either general
or cavalry, he had given up a certain victory, lest even a trifling loss should
occur in the contest owing to the disadvantage of position. That as much as he
admired the greatness of their courage, since neither the fortifications of the
camp, nor the height of the mountain, nor the wall of the town could retard
them; in the same degree he censured their licentiousness and arrogance,
because they thought that they knew more than their general concerning victory,
and the issue of actions: and that he required in his soldiers forbearance and
self-command, not less than valor and magnanimity.”
53
Having held this assembly, and having encouraged the soldiers at the conclusion
of his speech, “That they should not be dispirited on this account, nor
attribute to the valor of the enemy, what the disadvantage of position had
caused;” entertaining the same views of his departure that he had previously
had, he led forth the legions from the camp, and drew up his army in order of
battle in a suitable place. When Vercingetorix, nevertheless, would not descend
to the level ground, a slight cavalry action, and that a successful one, having
taken place, he led back his army into the camp. When he had done this, the
next day, thinking that he had done enough to lower the pride of the Gauls, and
to encourage the minds of his soldiers, he moved his camp in the direction of
the Aedui. The enemy not even then pursuing us, on the third day he repaired
the bridge over the river Allier, and led over his whole army.
54
Having then held an interview with Viridomarus and Eporedirix the Aeduans, he learns
that Litavicus had set out with all the cavalry to raise the Aedui; that it was
necessary that they too should go before him to confirm the state in their
allegiance. Although he now saw distinctly the treachery of the Aedui in many
things, and was of opinion that the revolt of the entire state would be
hastened by their departure; yet he thought that they should not be detained,
lest he should appear either to offer an insult, or betray some suspicion of
fear. He briefly states to them when departing his services toward the Aedui:
in what a state and how humbled he had found them, driven into their towns,
deprived of their lands, stripped of all their forces, a tribute imposed on
them, and hostages wrested from them with the utmost insult; and to what
condition and to what greatness he had raised them, [so much so] that they had
not only recovered their former position, but seemed to surpass the dignity and
influence of all the previous eras of their history. After giving these
admonitions he dismissed them.
55
Noviodunum was a town of the Aedui, advantageously situated on the banks of the
Loire. Caesar had conveyed hither all the hostages of Gaul, the corn, public
money, a great part of his own baggage and that of his army; he had sent hither
a great number of horses, which he had purchased in Italy and Spain on account
of this war. When Eporedirix and Viridomarus came to this place, and received
information of the disposition of the state, that Litavicus had been admitted
by the Aedui into Bibracte, which is a town of the greatest importance among
them, that Convictolitanis the chief magistrate and a great part of the senate
had gone to meet him, that embassadors had been publicly sent to Vercingetorix
to negotiate a peace and alliance; they thought that so great an opportunity
ought not to be neglected. Therefore, having put to the sword the garrison of
Noviodunum, and those who had assembled there for the purpose of trading or
were on their march, they divided the money and horses among themselves; they
took care that the hostages of the [different] states should be brought to
Bibracte, to the chief magistrate; they burned the town to prevent its being of
any service to the Romans, as they were of opinion that they could not hold it;
they carried away in their vessels whatever corn they could in the hurry, they
destroyed the remainder, by [throwing it] into the river or setting it on fire,
they themselves began to collect forces from the neighboring country, to place
guards and garrisons in different positions along the banks of the Loire, and
to display the cavalry on all sides to strike terror into the Romans, [to try]
if they could cut them off from a supply of provisions. In which expectation
they were much aided, from the circumstance that the Loire had swollen to such
a degree from the melting of the snows, that it did not seem capable of being
forded at all.
56
Caesar on being informed of these movements was of opinion that he ought to
make haste, even if he should run some risk in completing the bridges, in order
that he might engage before greater forces of the enemy should be collected in
that place. For no one even then considered it an absolutely necessary act, that
changing his design he should direct his march into the Province, both because
the infamy and disgrace of the thing, and the intervening mount Cevennes, and
the difficulty of the roads prevented him; and especially because he had
serious apprehensions for the safety of Labienus whom he had detached, and
those legions whom he had sent with him. Therefore, having made very long
marches by day and night, he came to the river Loire, contrary to the
expectation of all; and having by means of the cavalry, found out a ford,
suitable enough considering the emergency, of such depth that their arms and
shoulders could be above water for supporting their accoutrements, he dispersed
his cavalry in such a manner as to break the force of the current, and having
confounded the enemy at the first sight, led his army across the river in
safety; and finding corn and cattle in the fields, after refreshing his army
with them, he determined to march into the country of the Senones.
57
While these things are being done by Caesar, Labienus, leaving at Agendicum the
recruits who had lately arrived from Italy, to guard the baggage, marches with
four legions to Lutetia (which is a town of the Parisii, situated on an island
on the river Seine ), whose arrival being discovered by the enemy, numerous
forces arrived from the neighboring states. The supreme command is intrusted to
Camalugenus one of the Aulerci, who, although almost worn out with age, was
called to that honor on account of his extraordinary knowledge of military
tactics. He, when he observed that there was a large marsh which communicated
with the Seine, and rendered all that country impassable, encamped there, and
determined to prevent our troops from passing it.
58
Labienus at first attempted to raise vineae, fill up the marsh with hurdles and
clay, and secure a road. After he perceived that this was too difficult to
accomplish, he issued in silence from his camp at the third watch, and reached
Melodunum by the same route by which he came. This is a town of the Senones,
situated on an island in the Seine, as we have just before observed of Lutetia.
Having seized upon about fifty ships and quickly joined them together, and
having placed soldiers in them, he intimidated by his unexpected arrival the
inhabitants, of whom a great number had been called out to the war, and obtains
possession of the town without a contest. Having repaired the bridge, which the
enemy had broken down during the preceding days, he led over his army, and
began to march along the banks of the river to Lutetia. The enemy, on learning
the circumstance from those who had escaped from Melodunum, set fire to
Lutetia, and order the bridges of that town to be broken down: they themselves
set out from the marsh, and take their position on the banks of the Seine, over
against Lutetia and opposite the camp of Labienus.
59
Caesar was now reported to have departed from Gergovia; intelligence was likewise
brought to them concerning the revolt of the Aedui, and a successful rising in
Gaul; and that Caesar, having been prevented from prosecuting his journey and
crossing the Loire, and having been compelled by the want of corn, had marched
hastily to the province. But the Bellovaci, who had been previously disaffected
of themselves, on learning the revolt of the Aedui, began to assemble forces
and openly to prepare for war. Then Labienus, as the change in affairs was so
great, thought that he must adopt a very different system from what he had
previously intended, and he did not now think of making any new acquisitions,
or of provoking the enemy to an action; but that he might bring back his army
safe to Agendicum. For, on one side, the Bellovaci, a state which held the
highest reputation for prowess in Gaul, were pressing on him; and Camulogenus,
with a disciplined and well-equipped army, held the other side; moreover, a
very great river separated and cut off the legions from the garrison and
baggage. He saw that, in consequence of such great difficulties being thrown in
his way, he must seek aid from his own energy of disposition.
60
Having, therefore, called a council of war a little before evening, he exhorted
his soldiers to execute with diligence and energy such commands as he should
give; he assigns the ships which he had brought from Melodunum to Roman
knights, one to each, and orders them to fall down the river silently for four
miles, at the end of the fourth watch, and there wait for him. He leaves the
five cohorts, which he considered to be the most steady in action, to guard the
camp; he orders the five remaining cohorts of the same legion to proceed a
little after midnight up the river with all their baggage, in a great tumult.
He collects also some small boats; and sends them in the same direction, with
orders to make a loud noise in rowing. He himself, a little after, marched out
in silence, and, at the head of three legions, seeks that place to which he had
ordered the ships to be brought.
61
When he had arrived there, the enemy’s scouts, as they were stationed along
every part of the river, not expecting an attack, because a great storm had
suddenly arisen, were surprised by our soldiers: the infantry and cavalry are
quickly transported, under the superintendence of the Roman knights, whom he
had appointed to that office. Almost at the same time, a little before
daylight, intelligence was given to the enemy that there was an unusual tumult
in the camp of the Romans, and that a strong force was marching up the river,
and that the sound of oars was distinctly heard in the same quarter, and that
soldiers were being conveyed across in ships a little below. On hearing these
things, because they were of opinion that the legions were passing in three
different places, and that the entire army, being terrified by the revolt of
the Aedui, were preparing for flight, they divided their forces also into three
divisions. For leaving a guard opposite to the camp and sending a small body in
the direction of Metiosedum, with orders to advance as far as the ships would
proceed, they led the rest of their troops against Labienus.
62
By day-break all our soldiers were brought across, and the army of the enemy
was in sight. Labienus, having encouraged his soldiers “to retain the memory of
their ancient valor, and so many most successful actions, and imagine Caesar
himself, under whose command they had so often routed the enemy, to be
present,” gives the signal for action. At the first onset the enemy are beaten
and put to flight in the right wing, where the seventh legion stood: on the
left wing, which position the twelfth legion held, although the first ranks
fell transfixed by the javelins of the Romans, yet the rest resisted most
bravely; nor did any one of them show the slightest intention of flying.
Camulogenus, the general of the enemy, was present and encouraged his troops.
But when the issue of the victory was still uncertain, and the circumstances
which were taking place on the left wing were announced to the tribunes of the
seventh legion, they faced about their legion to the enemy’s rear and attacked
it: not even then did any one retreat, but all were surrounded and slain.
Camulogenus met the same fate. But those who were left as a guard opposite the
camp of Labienus, when they heard that the battle was commenced, marched to aid
their countrymen and take possession of a hill, but were unable to withstand
the attack of the victorious soldiers. In this manner, mixed with their own
fugitives, such as the woods and mountains did not shelter were cut to pieces
by our cavalry. When this battle was finished, Labienus returns to Agendicum,
where the baggage of the whole army had been left: from it he marched with all
his forces to Caesar.
63
The revolt of the Aedui being known, the war grows more dangerous. Embassies
are sent by them in all directions: as far as they can prevail by influence,
authority, or money, they strive to excite the state [to revolt]. Having got
possession of the hostages whom Caesar had deposited with them, they terrify
the hesitating by putting them to death. The Aedui request Vercingetorix to
come to them and communicate his plans of conducting the war. On obtaining this
request they insist that the chief command should be assigned to them; and when
the affair became a disputed question, a council of all Gaul is summoned to
Bibracte. They came together in great numbers and from every quarter to the
same place. The decision is left to the votes of the mass; all to a man approve
of Vercingetorix as their general. The Remi, Lingones, and Treviri were absent
from this meeting; the two former because they attached themselves to the
alliance of Rome; the Treviri because they were very remote and were hard
pressed by the Germans; which was also the reason of their being absent during
the whole war, and their sending auxiliaries to neither party. The Aedui are
highly indignant at being deprived of the chief command; they lament the change
of fortune, and miss Caesar’s indulgence toward them; however, after engaging
in the war, they do not dare to pursue their own measures apart from the rest.
Eporedirix and Viridomarus, youths of the greatest promise, submit reluctantly
to Vercingetorix.
64
The latter demands hostages from the remaining states; nay, more, appointed a
day for this proceeding; he orders all the cavalry, fifteen thousand in number,
to quickly assemble here; he says that he will be content with the infantry
which he had before, and would not tempt fortune nor come to a regular
engagement; but since he had abundance of cavalry, it would be very easy for
him to prevent the Romans from obtaining forage or corn, provided that they
themselves should resolutely destroy their corn and set fire to their houses;
by which sacrifice of private property they would evidently obtain perpetual dominion
and freedom. After arranging these matters, he levies ten thousand infantry on
the Aedui and Segusiani, who border on our province: to these he adds eight
hundred horse. He sets over them the brother of Eporedirix, and orders him to
wage war against the Allobroges. On the other side he sends the Gabali and the
nearest cantons of the Arverni against the Helvii; he likewise sends the Ruteni
and Cadurci to lay waste the territories of the Volcae Arecomici. Besides, by
secret messages and embassies, he tampers with the Allobroges, whose minds, he
hopes, had not yet settled down after the excitement of the late war. To their
nobles he promises money, and to their state the dominion of the whole
province.
65
The only guards provided against all these contingencies were twenty-two
cohorts, which were collected from the entire province by Lucius Caesar, the
lieutenant, and opposed to the enemy in every quarter. The Helvii, voluntarily
engaging in battle with their neighbors, are defeated, and Caius Valerius
Donotaurus, the son of Caburus, the principal man of the state, and several
others, being slain, they are forced to retire within their towns and
fortifications. The Allobroges, placing guards along the course of the Rhine,
defend their frontiers with great vigilance and energy. Caesar, as he perceived
that the enemy were superior in cavalry, and he himself could receive no aid
from the Province or Italy, while all communication was cut off, sends across
the Rhine into Germany to those states which he had subdued in the preceding
campaigns, and summons from them cavalry and the light-armed infantry, who were
accustomed to engage among them. On their arrival, as they were mounted on
unserviceable horses, he takes horses from the military tribunes and the rest,
nay, even from the Roman knights and veterans, and distributes them among the
Germans.
66
In the mean time, whilst these things are going on, the forces of the enemy
from the Arverni, and the cavalry which had been demanded from all Gaul, meet
together. A great number of these having been collected, when Caesar was
marching into the country of the Sequani, through the confines of the Lingones,
in order that he might the more easily render aid to the province,
Vercingetorix encamped in three camps, about ten miles from the Romans: and
having summoned the commanders of the cavalry to a council, he shows that the
time of victory was come; that the Romans were fleeing into the Province and
leaving Gaul; that this was sufficient for obtaining immediate freedom; but was
of little moment in acquiring peace and tranquillity for the future; for the
Romans would return after assembling greater forces and would not put an end to
the war. Therefore they should attack them on their march, when encumbered. If
the infantry should [be obliged to] relieve their cavalry, and be retarded by
doing so, the march could not be accomplished: if, abandoning their baggage
they should provide for their safety (a result which, he trusted, was more like
to ensue), they would lose both property and character. For as to the enemy’s
horse, they ought not to entertain a doubt that none of them would dare to
advance beyond the main body. In order that they [the Gauls] may do so with
greater spirit, he would marshal all their forces before the camp, and
intimidate the enemy. The cavalry unanimously shout out, “That they ought to
bind themselves by a most sacred oath, that he should not be received under a
roof, nor have access to his children, parents, or wife, who shall not twice
have ridden through the enemy’s army.”
67
This proposal receiving general approbation, and all being forced to take the
oath, on the next day the cavalry were divided into three parts, and two of
these divisions made a demonstration on our two flanks; while one in front
began to obstruct our march. On this circumstance being announced, Caesar
orders his cavalry also to form three divisions and charge the enemy. Then the
action commences simultaneously in every part: the main body halts; the baggage
is received within the ranks of the legions. If our men seemed to be
distressed, or hard pressed in any quarter, Caesar usually ordered the troops
to advance, and the army to wheel round in that quarter; which conduct retarded
the enemy in the pursuit, and encouraged our men by the hope of support. At
length the Germans, on the right wing, having gained the top of the hill,
dislodge the enemy from their position and pursue them even as far as the river
at which Vercingetorix with the infantry was stationed, and slay several of
them. The rest, on observing this action, fearing lest they should be
surrounded, betake themselves to flight. A slaughter ensues in every direction,
and three of the noblest of the Aedui are taken and brought to Caesar: Cotus,
the commander of the cavalry, who had been engaged in the contest with
Convictolitanis the last election, Cavarillus, who had held the command of the
infantry after the revolt of Litavicus, and Eporedirix, under whose command the
Aedui had engaged in war against the Sequani, before the arrival of Caesar.
68
All his cavalry being routed, Vercingetorix led back his troops in the same
order as he had arranged them before the camp, and immediately began to march
to Alesia, which is a town of the Mandubii, and ordered the baggage to be
speedily brought forth from the camp, and follow him closely. Caesar, having
conveyed his baggage to the nearest hill, and having left two legions to guard
it, pursued as far as the time of day would permit, and after slaying about
three thousand of the rear of the enemy, encamped at Alesia on the next day. On
reconnoitering the situation of the city, finding that the enemy were
panic-stricken, because the cavalry in which they placed their chief reliance,
were beaten, he encouraged his men to endure the toil, and began to draw a line
of circumvallation round Alesia.
69
The town itself was situated on the top of a hill, in a very lofty position, so
that it did not appear likely to be taken, except by a regular siege. Two
rivers, on two different sides, washed the foot of the hill. Before the town
lay a plain of about three miles in length; on every other side hills at a
moderate distance, and of an equal degree of height, surrounded the town. The
army of the Gauls had filled all the space under the wall, comprising a part of
the hill which looked to the rising sun, and had drawn in front a trench and a
stone wall six feet high. The circuit of that fortification, which was
commenced by the Romans, comprised eleven miles. The camp was pitched in a
strong position, and twenty-three redoubts were raised in it, in which sentinels
were placed by day, lest any sally should be made suddenly; and by night the
same were occupied by watches and strong guards.
70
The work having been begun, a cavalry action ensues in that plain, which we have
already described as broken by hills, and extending three miles in length. The
contest is maintained on both sides with the utmost vigor; Caesar sends the
Germans to aid our troops when distressed, and draws up the legions in front of
the camp, lest any sally should be suddenly made by the enemy’s infantry. The
courage of our men is increased by the additional support of the legions; the
enemy being put to flight, hinder one another by their numbers, and as only the
narrower gates were left open, are crowded together in them; then the Germans
pursue them with vigor even to the fortifications. A great slaughter ensues;
some leave their horses, and endeavor to cross the ditch and climb the wall.
Caesar orders the legions which he had drawn up in front of the rampart to
advance a little. The Gauls, who were within the fortifications, were no less
panic-stricken, thinking that the enemy were coming that moment against them,
and unanimously shout “to arms;” some in their alarm rush into the town;
Vercingetorix orders the gates to be shut, lest the camp should be left
undefended. The Germans retreat, after slaying many and taking several horses.
71
Vercingetorix adopts the design of sending away all his cavalry by night, before
the fortifications should be completed by the Romans. He charges them when
departing “that each of them should go to his respective state, and press for
the war all who were old enough to bear arms; he states his own merits, and
conjures them to consider his safety, and not surrender him who had deserved so
well of the general freedom, to the enemy for torture; he points out to them
that, if they should be remiss, eighty thousand chosen men would perish with
him; that upon making a calculation, he had barely corn for thirty days, but
could hold out a little longer by economy.” After giving these instructions he
silently dismisses the cavalry in the second watch, [on that side] where our
works were not completed; he orders all the corn to be brought to himself; he
ordains capital punishment to such as should not obey; he distributes among
them, man by man, the cattle, great quantities of which had been driven there
by the Mandubii; he began to measure out the corn sparingly, and by little and
little; he receives into the town all the forces which he had posted in front
of it. In this manner he prepares to await the succors from Gaul, and carry on
the war.
72
Caesar, on learning these proceedings from the deserters and captives, adopted
the following system of fortification; he dug a trench twenty feet deep, with
perpendicular sides, in such a manner that the base of this trench should
extend so far as the edges were apart at the top. He raised all his other works
at a distance of four hundred feet from that ditch; [he did] that with this
intention, lest (since he necessarily embraced so extensive an area, and the
whole works could not be easily surrounded by a line of soldiers) a large
number of the enemy should suddenly, or by night, sally against the
fortifications; or lest they should by day cast weapons against our men while
occupied with the works. Having left this interval, he drew two trenches
fifteen feet broad, and of the same depth; the innermost of them, being in low
and level ground, he filled with water conveyed from the river. Behind these he
raised a rampart and wall twelve feet high; to this he added a parapet and
battlements, with large stakes cut like stags’ horns, projecting from the
junction of the parapet and battlements, to prevent the enemy from scaling it,
and surrounded the entire work with turrets, which were eighty feet distant
from one another.
73
It was necessary, at one and the same time, to procure timber [for the
rampart], lay in supplies of corn, and raise also extensive fortifications, and
the available troops were in consequence of this reduced in number, since they
used to advance to some distance from the camp, and sometimes the Gauls
endeavored to attack our works, and to make a sally from the town by several
gates and in great force. Caesar thought that further additions should be made
to these works, in order that the fortifications might be defensible by a small
number of soldiers. Having, therefore, cut down the trunks of trees or very
thick branches, and having stripped their tops of the bark, and sharpened them
into a point, he drew a continued trench every where five feet deep. These
stakes being sunk into this trench, and fastened firmly at the bottom, to
prevent the possibility of their being torn up, had their branches only
projecting from the ground. There were five rows in connection with, and
intersecting each other; and whoever entered within them were likely to impale
themselves on very sharp stakes. The soldiers called these “cippi.” Before
these, which were arranged in oblique rows in the form of a quincunx, pits
three feet deep were dug, which gradually diminished in depth to the bottom. In
these pits tapering stakes, of the thickness of a man’s thigh; sharpened at the
top and hardened in the fire, were sunk in such a manner as to project from the
ground not more than four inches; at the same time for the purpose of giving
them strength and stability, they were each filled with trampled clay to the
height of one foot from the bottom: the rest of the pit was covered over with
osiers and twigs, to conceal the deceit. Eight rows of this kind were dug, and
were three feet distant from each other. They called this a lily from its
resemblance to that flower. Stakes a foot long, with iron hooks attached to
them, were entirely sunk in the ground before these, and were planted in every
place at small intervals; these they called spurs.
74
After completing these works, saving selected as level ground as he could,
considering the nature of the country, and having inclosed an area of fourteen
miles, he constructed, against an external enemy, fortifications of the same
kind in every respect, and separate from these, so that the guards of the
fortifications could not be surrounded even by immense numbers, if such a
circumstance should take place owing to the departure of the enemy’s cavalry;
and in order that the Roman soldiers might not be compelled to go out of the
camp with great risk, ho orders all to provide forage and corn for thirty days.
75
While those things are carried on at Alesia, the Gauls, having convened a
council of their chief nobility, determine that all who could bear arms should
not be called out, which was the opinion of Vercingetorix, but that a fixed
number should be levied from each state; lest, when so great a multitude
assembled together, they could neither govern nor distinguish their men, nor
have the means of supplying them with corn. They demand thirty-five thousand
men from the Aedui and their dependents, the Segusiani, Ambivareti, and Aulerci
Brannovices; an equal number from the Arverni in conjunction with the Eleuteti
Cadurci, Gabali, and Velauni, who were accustomed to be under the command of
the Arverni; twelve thousand each from the Senones, Sequani, Bituriges,
Sentones, Ruteni, and Carnutes; ten thousand from the Bellovaci; the same
number from the Lemovici; eight thousand each from the Pictones, and Turoni,
and Parisii, and Helvii; five thousand each from the Suessiones, Ambiani,
Mediomatrici, Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, and Nitiobriges; the same number from
the Aulerci Cenomani; four thousand from the Atrebates; three thousand each
from the Bellocassi, Lexovii, and Aulerci Eburovices; thirty thousand from the
Rauraci, and Boii; six thousand from all the states together, which border on
the Atlantic, and which in their dialect are called Armoricae (in which number
are comprehended the Curisolites, Rhedones, Ambibari, Caltes, Osismii,
Lemovices, Veneti, and Unelli). Of these the Bellovaci did not contribute their
number, as they said that they would wage war against the Romans on their own
account, and at their own discretion, and would not obey the order of any one:
however, at the request of Commius, they sent two thousand, in consideration of
a tie of hospitality which subsisted between him and them.
76
Caesar had, as we have previously narrated, availed himself of the faithful and
valuable services of this Commius, in Britain, in former years: in
consideration of which merits he had exempted from taxes his [Commius’s] state,
and had conferred on Commius himself the country of the Morini. Yet such was the
unanimity of the Gauls in asserting their freedom, and recovering their ancient
renown in war, that they were influenced neither by favors, nor by the
recollection of private friendship; and all earnestly directed their energies
and resources to that war, and collected eight thousand cavalry, and about two
hundred and forty thousand infantry. These were reviewed in the country of the
Aedui, and a calculation was made of their numbers: commanders were appointed:
the supreme command is intrusted to Commius the Atrebatian, Viridomarus and
Eporedirix the Aeduans, and Vergasillaunus the Arvernan, the cousin-german of
Vercingetorix. To them are assigned men selected from each state, by whose
advice the war should be conducted. All march to Alesia, sanguine and full of
confidence: nor was there a single individual who imagined that the Romans
could withstand the sight of such an immense host: especially in an action
carried on both in front and rear, when [on the inside] the besieged would
sally from the town and attack the enemy, and on the outside so great forces of
cavalry and infantry would be seen.
77
But those who were blockaded at Alesia, the day being past, on which they had
expected auxiliaries from their countrymen, and all their corn being consumed
ignorant of what was going on among the Aedui, convened an assembly and
deliberated on the exigency of their situation. After various opinions had been
expressed among them, some of which proposed a surrender, others a sally, while
their strength would support it, the speech of Critognatus ought not to be
omitted for its singular and detestable cruelty. He sprung from the noblest
family among the Arverni, and possessing great influence, says, “I shall pay no
attention to the opinion of those who call a most disgraceful surrender by the
name of a capitulation; nor do I think that they ought to be considered as
citizens, or summoned to the council. My business is with those who approve of
a sally: in whose advice the memory of our ancient prowess seems to dwell in
the opinion of you all. To be unable to bear privation for a short time is
disgraceful cowardice, not true valor. Those who voluntarily offer themselves
to death are more easily found than those who would calmly endure distress. And
I would approve of this opinion (for honor is a powerful motive with me), could
I foresee no other loss, save that of life; but let us, in adopting our design,
look back on all Gaul, which we have stirred up to our aid. What courage do you
think would our relatives and friends have, if eighty thousand men were
butchered in one spot, supposing that they should be forced to come to an
action almost over our corpses? Do not utterly deprive them of your aid, for
they have spurned all thoughts of personal danger on account of your safety;
nor by your folly, rashness, and cowardice, crush all Gaul and doom it to an
eternal slavery. Do you doubt their fidelity and firmness because they have not
come at the appointed day? What then? Do you suppose that the Romans are
employed every day in the outer fortifications for mere amusement? If you can
not be assured by their dispatches, since every avenue is blocked up, take the
Romans as evidence that there approach is drawing near; since they, intimidated
by alarm at this, labor night and day at their works. What, therefore, is my
design? To do as our ancestors did in the war against the Cimbri and Teutones,
which was by no means equally momentous who, when driven into their towns, and
oppressed by similar privations, supported life by the corpses of those who
appeared useless for war on account of their age, and did not surrender to the
enemy: and even if we had not a precedent for such cruel conduct, still I
should consider it most glorious that one should be established, and delivered
to posterity. For in what was that war like this? The Cimbri, after laying Gaul
waste, and inflicting great calamities, at length departed from our country,
and sought other lands; they left us our rights, laws, lands, and liberty. But
what other motive or wish have the Romans, than, induced by envy, to settle in
the lands and states of those whom they have learned by fame to be noble and
powerful in war, and impose on them perpetual slavery? For they never have
carried on wars on any other terms. But if you know not these things which are
going on in distant countries, look to the neighboring Gaul, which being
reduced to the form of a province, stripped of its rights and laws, and
subjected to Roman despotism, is oppressed by perpetual slavery.”
78
When different opinions were expressed, they determined that those who, owing
to age or ill health, were unserviceable for war, should depart from the town,
and that themselves should try every expedient before they had recourse to the
advice of Critognatus: however, that they would rather adopt that design, if
circumstances should compel them and their allies should delay, than accept any
terms of a surrender or peace. The Mandubii, who had admitted them into the
town, are compelled to go forth with their wives and children. When these came
to the Roman fortifications, weeping, they begged of the soldiers by every
entreaty to receive them as slaves and relieve them with food. But Caesar, placing
guards on the rampart, forbade them to be admitted.
79
In the mean time, Commius and the rest of the leaders, to whom the supreme
command had been intrusted, came with all their forces to Alesia, and having
occupied the entire hill, encamped not more than a mile from our
fortifications. The following day, having led forth their cavalry from the
camp, they fill all that plain, which, we have related, extended three miles in
length, and drew out their infantry a little from that place, and post them on
the higher ground. The town Alesia commanded a view of the whole plain. The
besieged run together when these auxiliaries were seen; mutual congratulations
ensue, and the minds of all are elated with joy. Accordingly, drawing out their
troops, they encamp before the town, and cover the nearest trench with hurdles
and fill it up with earth, and make ready for a sally and every casualty.
80
Caesar, having stationed his army on both sides of the fortifications, in order
that, if occasion should arise, each should hold and know his own post, orders
the cavalry to issue forth from the camp and commence action. There was a
commanding view from the entire camp, which occupied a ridge of hills; and the
minds of all the soldiers anxiously awaited the issue of the battle. The Gauls
had scattered archers and light-armed infantry here and there, among their
cavalry, to give relief to their retreating troops, and sustain the impetuosity
of our cavalry. Several of our soldiers were unexpectedly wounded by these, and
left the battle. When the Gauls were confident that their countrymen were the
conquerors in the action, and beheld our men hard pressed by numbers, both
those who were hemmed in by the line of circumvallation and those who had come
to aid them, supported the spirits of their men by shouts and yells from every
quarter. As the action was carried on in sight of all, neither a brave nor
cowardly act could be concealed; both the desire of praise and the fear of
ignominy, urged on each party to valor. After fighting from noon almost to
sunset, without victory inclining in favor of either, the Germans, on one side,
made a charge against the enemy in a compact body, and drove them back; and,
when they were put to flight, the archers were surrounded and cut to pieces. In
other parts, likewise, our men pursued to the camp the retreating enemy, and
did not give them an opportunity of rallying. But those who had come forth from
Alesia returned into the town dejected and almost despairing of success.
81
The Gauls, after the interval of a day and after making, during that time, an
immense number of hurdles, scaling-ladders, and iron hooks, silently went forth
from the camp at midnight and approached the fortifications in the plain.
Raising a shout suddenly, that by this intimation those who were besieged in
the town might learn their arrival, they began to cast down hurdles and
dislodge our men from the rampart by slings, arrows, and stones, and executed
the other movements which are requisite in storming. At the same time,
Vercingetorix, having heard the shout, gives the signal to his troops by a
trumpet, and leads them forth from the town. Our troops, as each man’s post had
been assigned him some days before, man the fortifications; they intimidate the
Gauls by slings, large stones, stakes which they had placed along the works,
and bullets. All view being prevented by the darkness, many wounds are received
on both sides; several missiles, are thrown from the engines. But Marcus
Antonius, and Caius Trebonius, the lieutenants, to whom the defense of these
parts had been allotted, draughted troops from the redoubts which were more
remote, and sent them to aid our troops, in whatever direction they understood
that they were hard pressed.
82
While the Gauls were at a distance from the fortification, they did more
execution, owing to the immense number of their weapons: after they came nearer,
they either unawares empaled themselves on the spurs, or were pierced by the
mural darts from the ramparts and towers, and thus perished. After receiving
many wounds on all sides, and having forced no part of the works, when day drew
nigh, fearing lest they should be surrounded by a sally made from the higher
camp on the exposed flank, they retreated to their countrymen. But those
within, while they bring forward those things which had been prepared by
Vercingetorix for a sally, fill up the nearest trenches; having delayed a long
time in executing these movements, they learned the retreat of their countrymen
before they drew nigh to the fortifications. Thus they returned to the town
without accomplishing their object.
83
The Gauls, having been twice repulsed with great loss, consult what they should
do; they avail themselves of the information of those who were well acquainted
with the country; from them they ascertain the position and fortification of
the upper camp. There was, on the north side, a hill, which our men could not
include in their works, on account of the extent of the circuit, and had
necessarily made their camp in ground almost disadvantageous, and pretty steep.
Caius Antistius Reginus, and Caius Caninius Rebilus, two of the lieutenants,
with two legions, were in possession of this camp. The leaders of the enemy,
having reconnoitered the country by their scouts, select from the entire army
sixty thousand men, belonging to those states, which bear the highest character
for courage; they privately arrange among themselves what they wished to be
done, and in what manner; they decide that the attack should take place when it
should seem to be noon. They appoint over their forces Vergasillaunus, the Arvernian,
one of the four generals, and a near relative of Vercingetorix. He, having
issued from the camp at the first watch, and having almost completed his march
a little before the dawn, hid himself behind the mountain, and ordered his
soldiers to refresh themselves after their labor during the night. When noon
now seemed to draw nigh, he marched hastily against that camp which we have
mentioned before; and, at the same time, the cavalry began to approach the
fortifications in the plain, and the rest of the forces to make a demonstration
in front of the camp.
84
Vercingetorix, having beheld his countrymen from the citadel of Alesia, issues
forth from the town; he brings forth from the camp long hooks, movable pent-houses,
mural hooks, and other things, which he had prepared for the purpose of making
a sally. They engage on all sides at once and every expedient is adopted. They
flocked to whatever part of the works seemed weakest. The army of the Romans is
distributed along their extensive lines, and with difficulty meets the enemy in
every quarter. The shouts which were raised by the combatants in their rear,
had a great tendency to intimidate our men, because they perceived that their
danger rested on the valor of others: for generally all evils which are distant
most powerfully alarm men’s minds.
85
Caesar, having selected a commanding situation, sees distinctly whatever is
going on in every quarter, and sends assistance to his troops when hard
pressed. The idea uppermost in the minds of both parties is, that the present
is the time in which they would have the fairest opportunity of making a
struggle; the Gauls despairing of all safety, unless they should succeed in
forcing the lines: the Romans expecting an end to all their labors if they
should gain the day. The principal struggle is at the upper lines, to which as
we have said Vergasillaunus was sent. The least elevation of ground, added to a
declivity, exercises a momentous influence. Some are casting missiles, others,
forming a testudo, advance to the attack; fresh men by turns relieve the
wearied. The earth, heaped up by all against the fortifications, gives the
means of ascent to the Gauls, and covers those works which the Romans had
concealed in the ground. Our men have no longer arms or strength.
86
Caesar, on observing these movements, sends Labienus with six cohorts to
relieve his distressed soldiers: he orders him, if he should be unable to
withstand them, to draw off the cohorts and make a sally; but not to do this
except through necessity. He himself goes to the rest, and exhorts them not to
succumb to the toil; he shows them that the fruits of all former engagements
depend on that day and hour. The Gauls within, despairing of forcing the
fortifications in the plains on account of the greatness of the works, attempt
the places precipitous in ascent: hither they bring the engines which they had
prepared; by the immense number of their missiles they dislodge the defenders
from the turrets: they fill the ditches with clay and hurdles, then clear the
way; they tear down the rampart and breast-work with hooks.
87
Caesar sends at first young Brutus, with six cohorts, and afterward Caius
Fabius, his lieutenant, with seven others: finally, as they fought more
obstinately, he leads up fresh men to the assistance of his soldiers. After
renewing the action, and repulsing the enemy, he marches in the direction in
which he had sent Labienus, drafts four cohorts from the nearest redoubt, and
orders part of the cavalry to follow him, and part to make the circuit of the
external fortifications and attack the enemy in the rear. Labienus, when
neither the ramparts or ditches could check the onset of the enemy, informs
Caesar by messengers of what he intended to do. Caesar hastens to share in the
action.
88
His arrival being known from the color of his robe, and the troops of cavalry,
and the cohorts which he had ordered to follow him being seen, as these low and
sloping grounds were plainly visible from the eminences, the enemy join battle.
A shout being raised by both sides, it was succeeded by a general shout along
the ramparts and whole line of fortifications. Our troops, laying aside their
javelins, carry on the engagement with their swords. The cavalry is suddenly
seen in the rear of the Gauls; the other cohorts advance rapidly; the enemy
turn their backs; the cavalry intercept them in their flight, and a great
slaughter ensues. Sedulius the general and chief of the Lemovices is slain;
Vergasillaunus the Arvernian, is taken alive in the flight, seventy-four
military standards are brought to Caesar, and few out of so great a number
return safe to their camp. The besieged, beholding from the town the slaughter
and flight of their countrymen, despairing of safety, lead back their troops
from the fortifications. A flight of the Gauls from their camp immediately
ensues on hearing of this disaster, and had not the soldiers been wearied by
sending frequent reinforcements, and the labor of the entire day, all the
enemy’s forces could have been destroyed. Immediately after midnight, the
cavalry are sent out and overtake the rear, a great number are taken or cut to
pieces, the rest by flight escape in different directions to their respective
states. Vercingetorix, having convened a council the following day, declares,
“That he had undertaken that war, not on account of his own exigences, but on
account of the general freedom; and since he must yield to fortune, he offered
himself to them for either purpose, whether they should wish to atone to the
Romans by his death, or surrender him alive. Embassadors are sent to Caesar on
this subject. He orders their arms to be surrendered, and their chieftains
delivered up. He seated himself at the head of the lines in front of the camp,
the Gallic chieftains are brought before him. They surrender Vercingetorix, and
lay down their arms. Reserving the Aedui and Arverni, [to try] if he could gain
over, through their influence, their respective states, he distributes one of
the remaining captives to each soldier, throughout the entire army, as plunder.
90
After making these arrangements, he marches into the [country of the] Aedui,
and recovers that state. To this place embassadors are sent by the Arveni, who
promise that they will execute his commands. He demands a great number of
hostages. He sends the legions to winter-quarters; he restores about twenty
thousand captives to the Aedui and Arverni; he orders Titus Labienus to march
into the [country of the] Sequani with two legions and the cavalry, and to him
he attaches Marcus Sempronius Rutilus; he places Caius Fabius, and Lucius
Minucius Basilus, with two legions in the country of the Remi, lest they should
sustain any loss from the Bellovaci in their neighborhood. He sends Caius
Antistius Reginus into the [country of the] Ambivareti, Titus Sextius into the
territories of the Bituriges, and Caius Caninius Rebilus into those of the
Ruteni, with one legion each. He stations Quintus Tullius Cicero, and Publius
Sulpicius among the Aedui at Cabillo and Matisco on the Saone, to procure
supplies of corn. He himself determines to winter at Bibracte. A supplication
of twenty-days is decreed by the senate at Rome, on learning these successes
from Caesar’s dispatches.
Prevailed on by your continued
solicitations, Balbus, I have engaged in a most difficult task, as my daily refusals
appear to plead not my inability, but indolence, as an excuse. I have compiled
a continuation of the Commentaries of our Caesar’s Wars in Gaul, not indeed to
be compared to his writings, which either precede or follow them; and recently,
I have completed what he left imperfect after the transactions in Alexandria,
to the end, not indeed of the civil broils, to which we see no issue, but of
Caesar’s life. I wish that those who may read them could know how unwillingly I
undertook to write them, as then I might the more readily escape the imputation
of folly and arrogance, in presuming to intrude among Caesar’s writings. For it
is agreed on all hands, that no composition was ever executed with so great
care, that it is not exceeded in elegance by these Commentaries, which were
published for the use of historians, that they might not want memoirs of such
achievements; and they stand so high in the esteem of all men, that historians
seem rather deprived of, than furnished with material. At which we have more
reason to be surprised than other men; for they can only appreciate the
elegance and correctness with which he finished them, while we know with what
ease and expedition. Caesar possessed not only an uncommon flow of language and
elegance of style, but also a thorough knowledge of the method of conveying his
ideas. But I had not even the good fortune to share in the Alexandrian or
African war; and though these were partly communicated to me by Caesar himself,
in conversation, yet we listen with a different degree of attention to those
things which strike us with admiration by their novelty, and those which we
design to attest to posterity. But, in truth, while I urge every apology, that
I may not be compared to Caesar, I incur the charge of vanity, by thinking it
possible that I can in the judgment of any one be put in competition with him.
Farewell.
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