had begun at once to evolve a grand system of communism,
entirely distinct from the civilisation of their wandering brethren, left
behind them on the Mongolian steppes, though no doubt even in that earliest
phase, amongst the cities in their kingdoms of the plateaux, some congenial
elements had existed, suited to become the germ of the Confucian development.
From this moment, lost as it is in prehistoric night, to the present day, the
function of the Yellow River peoples has been one and the same, in the midst of
their own progressive development, to receive periodically fresh increments of
Tartar nomads, and assimilate them to a place in the agricultural scheme.
This is a process which, by beating the sword of the nomad
into the ploughshare of the peasant, weakens the resistive powers of the new
citizen, and leaves him to suffer again "behind the walls" the fate
he once inflicted from without. Thus the long succession of Chinese dynasties
is always the story of the rise of some fresh tribe to the
head of the state, to be again supplanted, when the old conditions are repeated.
For many ages after their settlement on the plains,
however, the Chinese Tartars still retained a pastoral notion of government,
the governors of the nine provinces into which early China was divided being
called Boku or pastors. They believed in a patriarchal God,
symbolised by Ten or Heaven, who, in His benevolence, rained destinies
in mathematical order on mankind, probably, since the Chinese word for Fate
is Mei or Command, the root idea of that fatalism which, lent to
the Arabs by the Tartars, became Mohammedanism. They maintained still their
dread of the various wandering spirits of the unseen world, their idealism of
womanhood, which was to develop later into the zenana-life of the East; that
knowledge of the stars which they had gathered, with the dualistic
mythology of the Turanians, as they wandered amongst the
tall grasses of the plateaux; above all, the grand idea of a universal
brotherhood, inalienable heritage of all the pastoral nations who roam between
the Amoor and the Danube. This fact, that in China the peasant was preceded by
the shepherd, is expressed in their mythology by saying that the first emperor
was Fukki, the Teacher of Grazing, succeeded by Shinno, the Divine Farmer.
But the slowly-defining necessities of an agricultural
community, developing itself through uncounted ages of tranquillity, were yet
to bring forth that great ethical and religious system, based on Land and
Labour, which to the present day constitutes the inexhaustible power of the
Chinese nation. True to this, their ancestral organisation, and self-contained
in its exalted socialism, its children, in spite of political disturbances, go
on now spreading their industrial conquest to all available corners of the
globe.
It fell to the lot of Confucius (B.C. 551 to B.C. 479), at
the end of the Shu dynasty, to elucidate and epitomise this great scheme of
synthetic labour, worthy of study by every modern sociologist. He devotes
himself to the realisation of a religion of ethics, the consecration of Man to
Man. To him, Humanity is God, the harmony of life his ultimate. Leaving the
Indian soul to soar and mingle with its own infinitude of the sky; leaving
empiric Europe to investigate the secrets of Earth and matter, and Christians
and Semites to be wafted in mid-air through a Paradise of terrestrial dreams - leaving
all these, Confucianism must always continue to hold great minds by the spell
of its broad intellectual generalisations, and its infinite compassion for the
common people.
The Eki or Book of Change, Veda of the
Chinese race, full of allusions, as it is, to the pastoral life, though by it
he approaches the Incomprehensible, is al
most a forbidden page to the agnostic Confucius, who says,
"Knowing not yet of life, how am I to talk of death?" According to
Chinese ethics, the unit of society is the family, constituted on the system of
graduated obedience, and the peasant is of equal importance with the emperor - that
parental autocrat whose virtues have placed him at the head of the great
communistic brotherhood of mutual duties, entirely by its own consent and
choice.
The supreme canon of life was the self-sacrifice of the
individual to the community, and art was prized for its service to the moral
deeds of society. Music, it is to be noted, was placed in the highest rank, its
special function being to harmonise men with men, and communities with
communities. The study of music was therefore the first accomplishment of a Shu
youth of gentle blood.
There are some who will recall in the life of Confucius,
not only the several dialogues
in which he dwells lovingly on its beauty, but also the
stories of his choosing to fast, rather than forego the hearing of music, of
his following a child on one occasion who was beating an earthen pot, simply
for the pleasure of watching the effect of the rhythm on the people, and
finally of his journey to the province of Sei (Shantung) in the enthusiasm of
his desire to hear the ancient chants which were there extant, handed down from
the days of Taiko-bo.
Poetry, in like manner, was regarded as a means of
conducing to political harmony. It was not the province of the prince to
command, but to suggest, nor the aim of the subject to remonstrate, but to
hint, and of all this poetry was the recognised medium. This is a theory which
implies that, just as in mediaeval Europe, the folk-songs of countrysides, with
their burden of love, and labour, and the beauty of earth; the ballads of
border-warfare, echoing the clang of weapons and the
trampling of excited steeds; and weird chants of the
supernatural, on the borderland of the realm where ignorance bows before the
Infinite - were its accepted form. For such a doctrine could only be formulated
in an age rich in such elements, and by a people amongst whom the poetry of
individual self-realisation was not yet born. Ancient ballads were collected by
the Sage by way of illustrating the manners of the Chinese Golden Age, of the
three early dynasties of Kha, In, and Shu, when its songs furnished the test by
which the welfare or misgovernment of a province was to be determined.
Even painting was held in esteem for its inculcation of the
practice of virtue. The Sage, in his family dialogues, speaks of visiting the
mausoleum of the kings of Shu, and describing how on the wall was a portrait of
Shuko, bearing in his arms the infant King Seiwo, he contrasts this with
another picture of Ketsu and Chu, despotic tyrants of the past, shown
in the act of personal enjoyment, and dwells on the glory
and meanness depicted in the respective delineations.
It may be said of the Shu vases and other bronzes that,
although they followed a different convention, they are more than equal in
purity of form to the Greek. Indeed, these together constitute, like the calm and
delicate jade, compared with the flashing individualistic diamond, the
antithesis of ideals, the two poles, of the decorative impulse in East and
West. And here also, amongst the workers in metal and jade, we find the same
passionate effort to realise the ideal of harmony that absorbs the singers and
painters of the period.
The consolidated Shu power had lasted some five hundred
years, when it was weakened by the rise of strong feudal houses, which were
again conquered and finally absorbed about the year 221 B.C., according to the
perpetual destiny of China, by a tribe from the out-lands
known as Shin, whose importance had been increasing
during some six hundred years. These were Mongolian herdsmen, who had been
horse-breeders and charioteers under the first emperors of Shu, and who now, as
the last-comers from the desert, became the dominant element. From their
territories, lying on the frontiers of the empire, it is supposed that the name
by which foreigners know the Celestial soil is taken.
To these tyrants ancient Confucian scholars attributed
every conceivable abomination and terror. But it may be held that they were,
after all, an integral factor in the working out of the Shu system. It was by
them that the Chinese Empire was consolidated, with its roads and great walls,
its provincial governments akin to the Persian satrapies, and its invention, or
more correctly its choice, of a national system of chirography. It was they who
formally disarmed China, and it was they who first
which is known as the "Fire of Shin," but it is
probable that the destruction of literature, so greatly lamented by posterity,
was not in fact due to this so much as to the civil war, which raged for twenty
years, during the downfall of their short empire.
The Hâng dynasty (202 B.C. to 220 A.D.) succeeding the Shin, followed in the main their policy, with the one difference that from
the time of their third emperor they made a knowledge of Confucianism
compulsory in the civil service examinations, a regulation which has come down
to the present day. This system was very helpful in drawing the best intellect of
the country to the service of the state, and yet, the critical element in the
test being fixed, growth and evolution were checked, and Confucianism itself
tended to become rigid.
So strong, indeed, was the influence of Confucian thought
at this period that in the first century of the Christian era a
prime minister, Omo by name, ascended the Dragon Throne in
its authority, asserting the choice of the wise men of the time, according to
the tradition which it upheld.
This man, it is interesting to note, was of remarkable
genius. He established the dynasty of Shin, and it is supposed, from the fact
that during his short reign of fourteen years his coins reached all parts of
the known world, that it was then that the name of China (Shin-land) was first
given. It is probable, however, from the earlier occurrence of the name in
Indian literature, that he only reinforced its use. He has the distinction of
being the first sovereign in history to publish an edict abolishing slavery,
and his downfall only occurred when he allowed his Confucian instincts to carry
him to the point of proclaiming, and attempting to effect, equal division of
the land amongst all the people. This concentrated the power of the nobles
against him, and he was killed
in the year 23 A.D. The story of his death is a superb
instance of the fatalism natural to the Confucian mind. He sat in his palace,
jade staff in hand, gazing out upon the stars, while the battle raged round his
standards without. "If it be the will of Heaven I shall die; if not,
nothing can kill me," he said calmly, and his assassins rushed in upon him
and killed him, unresisting, as he sat. His name is still surrounded by the
aroma of that courtesy with which he received the foreign embassies.
The art of the Hângs - who spread Confucian ideals as the
Romans did Hellenic culture - was Shu-ist in form, though tinged by that richer
colouring and magnificent imagery which were an integral part of the Hâng
consciousness, with its vast unification and luxurious life. In literature one
notes with interest that its writers are always striving to find an ethical
basis for this, the gorgeous colouring of their stupendous indulgence, and
do so from a standpoint of remarkable social intelligence.
Any Chinese scholar will recall the rhymed prose of Shibasojo and Soshimon,
where, after depicting the wonderful hunting-parties of the emperor, with their
glittering chariots, their elephants and lions, brought from distant realms,
their banquets and dancers, they add, "We are indeed happy that the times
are so peaceful, for thus kings may afford such luxury!" Again, they
enumerate the glories of the principal cities of the empire, and end by
suggesting that the true beauty of a capital lies rather in the happy faces of
its people than in the towers and ornaments upon its buildings.
The architecture of the period is characterised by gigantic
palaces, adorned with caryatided pillars and profuse carving, representative
chiefly of the moral life. Stupendous towers, and great structures in wood and
brick, were erected by these true successors of the Shin. For it was
the era of military walls, and, like the Romans after them,
the Shin emperors had left their memorial in the Great Wall that stretches from
Dokwan to the Yellow Sea. It may, indeed, be held that this, the culmination,
had also been the beginning of the decadence of their power, exhausting alike
the resources and the prestige of their government. But many succeeding
dynasties added to the work. Other architectural achievements of this period,
however, like the colossal statues in bronze and iron, of which such frequent
mention is made in letters, are now lost, partly because Chinese emperors have
had the habit of burning themselves with their treasures in the hour of defeat,
and partly by the vandalism of dynastic changes.
The pictorial style of the Hângs is, of course,
irrecoverable, unless we can conjure up its richness and maturity from the
roughly-chiselled rocks of the Burioshi in Shantung, tombs of a family of
provincial
nobles, who belonged to the latter part of the Hâng
dynasty. These fresco-sculptures contain descriptions of Chinese mythology and
history, and show the life and customs of early China.
In order to find specimens of the wonderful crafts of the
period, we have to turn to Japan, to the collections of the imperial family, to
the treasuries of Shinto temples, and to the unearthed contents of the dolmens.
For we received Hâng art from China, and were even perhaps acquainted with Chinese
literature, long before Wani the Hakushi, the Korean scholar, came to expound
Confucian texts. That there was a prior stream of influence is attested by the
numerous inscriptions in Chinese, showing the facility with which that language
was cultivated, not long after his advent. Thus in Japan, as in China, Confucianism provided the soil on which the seed of Buddhism afterwards fell.
The vast bulk of Chinese and Korean
immigrants were artists and artisans, who worked in the
Hâng style, as their mirrors, horse-trappings, sword-ornaments, and beautiful
armour in bronze and gold will testify. Thus the art-education of the Japanese
was almost complete by the time Buddhism called for a new and grand expression
in the Asuka Period. The genius of Toribushi, our great sculptor, was not born
in a night, but was the fruit of causes long pre-existent; and in him we have
only the first harvesting of a mighty culture that had covered the ploughlands
for many a day.
Yet the Confucian ideal, with its symmetry born of dualism,
and its repose, the result of the instinctive subordination of the part to the
whole, was necessarily restrictive of the freedom of art. Enchained to the
service of ethics, art naturally became industrial. Indeed, the Chinese
art-consciousness must always have tended towards the decorative - as shown in
its extraordinary development of textiles and
ceramics - had the Taoist mind not imparted to it its
playful individualism, and had Buddhism not come later, to lift it up to the expression
of commanding ideals. But even if it had remained at the decorative, it could
never have sunk to the bourgeois level, since from the remotest danger of such
a failure of sympathy, Asiatic art, by her vast life of the Universal and
Impersonal, stands eternally redeemed.
NOTES
Eki or Book of Change. - The ancient Scripture of China, which
was accumulated gradually through the periods of Kha and In, and attained to
its present form under Bunno, the first King of Shu. Confucius added a
commentary, which is considered an essential feature of Eki by Confucians. Here
much is made of Man, as the central point between the conflicting forces of
Heaven and Earth, thus philosophising communism. The Taoist, on the other hand,
is able to ignore the Confucian commentary and interpret Eki in his own way. To
him, its great note is the text, "Open matter and create work." This
ancient Chinese Veda may be described as a philosophy