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| Rexhep Qosja The Albanian question IntraText CT - Text |
The Albanian question - the problem of a divided people
The proposals which have been made up to now for a solution to the Albanian
question and, within this framework, for an international solution to the
Kosovo problem, show that not all the historical, political, social, economic,
geopolitical and humanitarian factors involved have been understood, or at
least not clearly and properly understood. The basic argument in support of
this assertion is that it is essentially wrong to treat the Albanian question
as the question of an ethnic minority.
Although it is commonly used by political and government
organizations, the term 'ethnic minority' is one of those terms whose meaning
should depend on a specific definition and not simply on the vagaries of common
usage. According to common usage, the term 'ethnic minority' has come to mean
the members of an ethnic group living in an ethnically identical territory
outside the country they belong to ethnically. As the word 'minority' is an
integral part of the term 'ethnic minority', the ethnic group in question must
consequently be a real minority, firstly in comparison with the nation it is
related to, even though these people live in another country, and secondly, in
comparison with the other people and peoples with whom it shares territory.
The Albanians were not an ethnic minority in former
Yugoslavia, i.e. communist Yugoslavia, nor are they an ethnic minority in the
countries created or being created out of former Yugoslavia.
How can this be true?
The Albanians were not an ethnic minority in former
Yugoslavia because they were about eight times as numerous as the Montenegrins,
who had their own republic within the Yugoslav federation. They were also about
two and a half times as numerous as the Macedonians, who had their own
republic, too. They were more numerous than the Slovenes, who had their own
republic, and more numerous than the Moslems, who also had their own republic
within the framework of the former Yugoslav federation. Thus, they were not a
minority in communist Yugoslavia for the simple reason that they were a majority
in comparison with a good number of the 'state-forming' peoples of the
federation.
The Albanians are not an ethnic minority in rump Yugoslavia,
the present state of Yugoslavia as it is called by the Serbs and Montenegrins
alone, because they are still more numerous than the Montenegrins who have
their own republic within this Yugoslavia. Nor are the Albanians a minority
within Serbia, because you cannot call one-third of the population of a
multinational state such as Serbia an ethnic minority.
The Albanians are not an ethnic minority in the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, now an independent and internationally
recognized country, because they account for over one-third of the total
population of this multinational republic, too.
And even if they were an ethnic minority in rump Yugoslavia
(Serbia and Montenegro) or in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, there
is one other reason why the Albanians in former Yugoslavia can no longer be
regarded as an ethnic minority - they constitute half the population of the
Albanian nation. Living on their own ethnic and historical territory along the
border that separates Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro from Albania, a
territory which is ethnically and geographically continuous with Albania, these
Albanians are just as numerous as the inhabitants of the Republic of Albania
itself, i.e. about three million individuals. Half of a nation cannot be called
an ethnic minority of any country, irrespective of the number of inhabitants
that country may have. The half of the nation living under foreign jurisdiction
should not enjoy any fewer privileges than the other 'state-forming peoples'
there or than the other half living under its own jurisdiction.
What conclusions can be drawn from the above?
If there are just as many Albanians in former Yugoslavia as
in Albania itself, people living on their own ethnic and historical territory
which forms a geographical continuity with the Republic of Albania, it is then
logical that these Albanians in former Yugoslavia, i.e. in contemporary
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and in the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, cannot be considered an 'ethnic minority' but rather as part of a divided
nation. Consequently, the Albanian question must not be seen or dealt with
in terms of a minority problem, but rather as the question of a divided
nation.
The Albanian question has not evolved from the problem
of an ethnic minority to the problem of a divided nation simply because the
Albanian population in former Yugoslavia has grown. It was a question of a
divided nation from the very start. During the Conference of Ambassadors in
London, at a time when there were about 748,000 Albanians in Albania itself,
there were also about 1,200,000 Albanians abroad, in lands occupied by Serbia,
Montenegro and Greece. Albania cannot really be called a national state in the
broadest sense of the term since half of the Albanian nation lives beyond the
country's national borders. The Republic of Albania is the homeland of only
half of the Albanian people, the national state of a divided Albanian nation.
There are other nations in Europe with a good portion of
their population living in foreign countries. When the Austro-Hungarian Empire
collapsed in 1918, for instance, it left countless Hungarians outside the
borders of Hungary. There are still about three million of them at the present
time. When the Soviet empire broke apart in 1991, about twenty million Russians
found themselves outside the borders of Russia. But neither the Hungarians nor
the Russians consider themselves divided nations. The three million Hungarians
living in countries outside the borders of Hungary constitute less than
one-third of the Hungarian nation, and the twenty million Russians living in
countries outside the borders of Russia constitute less than one-seventh of the
Russian nation. In other words, neither the Hungarians nor the Russians,
although many of their people live in other countries, are divided nations.
There is only one divided nation in Europe, and that is Albania.