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| Alphabetical [« »] ancient 23 ancients 8 ancora 1 and 1264 andromacham 2 andromache 1 anelein 1 | Frequency [« »] 2313 of 2051 in 1618 to 1264 and 1054 is 1016 a 783 i | Marcus Tullius Cicero Academica Concordances and |
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Liber, Caput grey = Comment text1 Pre | in 1810. To the poverty and untrustworthiness of Goerenz' 2 Pre | students of the Universities, and also to pupils and teachers 3 Pre | Universities, and also to pupils and teachers alike in all schools 4 Pre | for Honours both at Oxford and Cambridge. My notes have 5 Pre | number of intelligent pupils, and there is scarcely a note 6 Pre | Cicero's philosophical views and the literary history of 7 Pre | of Ciceronian Latinity, and lastly, to put it in his 8 Pre | the editorship of Baiter and Halm as a continuation of 9 Pre | the evidence he presents; and I have also studied all 10 Pre | never, I believe, reprinted, and to Baiter's text in the 11 Pre | Cicero's works by himself and Kayser. In a very few passages 12 Pre | introduced emendations of my own, and that only where the conjecttires 13 Pre | to the author's meaning and to a mastery of the Latin 14 Pre | reader the arguments for and against different readings 15 Pre | experience as a teacher and examiner has proved to me 16 Pre | have with the peculiarities and niceties of language which 17 Pre | in pointing out what is, and what is not, Ciceronian 18 Pre | references from my own reading, and from other sources. Wherever 19 Pre | if it were new to him, and might solve any linguistic 20 Pre | information they require, and have only dwelt in my own 21 Pre | Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans and Sceptics (whenever Zeller 22 Pre | description this book is meant), and the Historia Philosophiae 23 Pre | Historia Philosophiae of Ritter and Preller. The pages, not 24 Pre | Diogenes Laertius, Stobaeus, and Sextus Empiricus, all of 25 Pre | been published in cheap and convenient forms.~Although 26 Pre | which I have kept in view and have explained above. Should 27 Pre | others of the less known and less edited portions of 28 Pre | subject so unusually difficult and so rarely edited I cannot 29 Pre | prevalent in this University, and causes more than anything 30 Pre | thankful for notices of errors and omissions from any who are 31 Abbr | fragment or fragments; Gr. and Gk. = Greek; Introd. = Introduction; 32 Abbr | subj. = subjunctive.~R. and P. = Ritter and Preller' 33 Abbr | subjunctive.~R. and P. = Ritter and Preller's Historia Philosophiae 34 Int, I | a Student of Philosophy and Man of Letters: 90—45 B.C.~ 35 Int, I | lived constantly at Arpinum, and spent the greater part of 36 Int, I | for the old Latin dramatic and epic poetry which his son 37 Int, I | teacher's amiable disposition and refined style. He is the 38 Int, I | their lives that Atticus and his friend became acquainted 39 Int, I | circle of the time of Scipio and Laelius, became an inmate 40 Int, I | accomplished [iii] men of his time, and Cicero's feelings towards 41 Int, I | those of gratitude, esteem, and admiration.8~In the year 42 Int, I | master both of the theory and the practice of oratory. 43 Int, I | was swept from his mind, and he surrendered himself wholly, 44 Int, I | was overthrown for ever, and that the great career once 45 Int, I | the three most vigorous and important Greek schools. 46 Int, I | acquainted with their spirit, and with the main tenets of 47 Int, I | subsisted between the rhetorical and the ethical teaching of 48 Int, I | philosophy, law, rhetoric, and belles lettres. Many ambitious 49 Int, I | took their regular course, and Cicero appeared as a pleader 50 Int, I | years he was busily engaged, and then suddenly left Rome 51 Int, I | society of Greek philosophers and rhetoricians. The first 52 Int, I | months passed at Athens, and were almost entirely devoted 53 Int, I | lectures of that clear thinker and writer, as Diogenes calls 54 Int, I | teaching. He was biting and sarcastic in speech, and 55 Int, I | and sarcastic in speech, and spiteful in spirit, hence 56 Int, I | striking contrast to Patro and Phaedrus17. It is curious 57 Int, I | Cicero among those pupils and admirers of Carneades whom 58 Int, I | Phaedrus was now at Athens, and along with Atticus who loved 59 Int, I | controversy between Philo and Antiochus, Cicero still 60 Int, I | high value on the abilities and the learning of Antiochus, 61 Int, I | the time, both for talent and acquirement 23; as a man 62 Int, I | as the most cultivated and keenest of the philosophers 63 Int, I | sprang up between Antiochus and Cicero27, which was strengthened 64 Int, I | as Piso, Varro, Lucullus and Brutus, more or less adhered 65 Int, I | learn philosophy; in Asia and at Rhodes he devoted himself 66 Int, I | expression of affection, and Cicero tells us that he 67 Int, I | later time resident at Rome, and stayed in Cicero's house. 68 Int, I | at this time. Mnesarchus and Dardanus, also hearers of 69 Int, I | belonged to an earlier time, and although Cicero was well 70 Int, I | busily engaged with legal and political affairs to spend 71 Int, I | repeatedly insists; [viii] and we know from his letters 72 Int, I | study of the Greek writers, and especially the philosophers. 73 Int, I | time to time came to Rome and frequented the houses of 74 Int, I | loathing for public affairs, and his love for books, to which 75 Int, I | way suited to his literary and philosophic tastes. This 76 Int, I | with literature, politics and oratory held quite a secondary 77 Int, I | him from the consulship and enabled him to indulge his 78 Int, I(34) | Ad Att. I. 10 and 11.~ 79 Int, I | his consulship, in Latin and Greek, the Greek version 80 Int, I | being modelled on Isocrates and Aristotle; and the poem 81 Int, I | Isocrates and Aristotle; and the poem on his consulship, 82 Int, I | the works of Dicaearchus, and keeping up his acquaintance 83 Int, I | was in Greece at the time, and Cicero thus writes to Atticus: " 84 Int, I | Atticus: "If you love me and feel sure of my love for 85 Int, I | acquaintances, freedmen, and even slaves to prevent a 86 Int, I | Tusculum, Antium, Formiae, and elsewhere. I dwell with 87 Int, I | mere dabbler in literature, and that his works were extempore 88 Int, I | literature was insatiable, and his attainments in each 89 Int, I | Greeks, such as Theophrastus and Dicaearchus39. He also wrote 90 Int, I(39) | Ad Att. II. 7 and 16.~ 91 Int, I | marvellous man named Dionysius41, and laughingly pronouncing that 92 Int, I | he tells us, his solace and support, and he would rather 93 Int, I | his solace and support, and he would rather sit in a 94 Int, I | politics must cease for him, and that he therefore returns 95 Int, I | professedly modelled on Plato and the older philosophers of 96 Int, I | much to his own pleasure and that of the Athenians. He 97 Int, I | the brother of Antiochus and teacher of Brutus. His acquaintance 98 Int, I(46) | Ad Qu. Fr. III. 5 and 6.~ 99 Int, I | Peripatetics he had himself heard, and indeed equal in merit to 100 Int, I | Yet he yearned for Athens and philosophy. He wished to 101 Int, I | himself at the beautiful city, and anxiously asked Atticus 102 Int, I | noble Romans of the day, and of placing on them fulsome 103 Int, I | their hold upon his mind, and on his way home from Cilicia 104 Int, I | to the two boys Marcus and Quintus, who accompanied 105 Int, I | Quintus, who accompanied him, and they probably touched there 106 Int, I | again stayed with Aristus57, and renewed his friendship with 107 Int, I | very critical condition, and left little room for thoughts 108 Int, I | These gave him real comfort, and his studies seemed to bear 109 Int, I | remaining letters to Varro and also to Sulpicius67. The 110 Int, I | the Paradoxa, the Orator, and the Laudatio Catonis, to 111 Int, I | the year the Hortensius and the De Finibus had probably 112 Int, I | probably both been planned and commenced. [xiv] Early in 113 Int, I | Cicero as the man of letters and the student of philosophy 114 Int, I(67) | Ibid. IV. 3 and 4.~ 115 Int, I | minute survey of his works, and a comparison of them with 116 Int, I | groundlessness of many feelings and judgments now current which 117 Int, I | political weakness, vanity, and irresolution, make haste 118 Int, I | the desert of this dreary and voluminous writer." From 119 Int, I | political partizanship, and prejudices based on facts 120 Int, II | Peripatetic, Epicurean and new Academic. These it would 121 Int, II | understood it, but as Posidonius and the other pupils of Panaetius 122 Int, II | of Zeno, Phaedrus, Patro, and Xeno; the doctrines taught 123 Int, II | well as that of Arcesilas and Carneades; the medley of 124 Int, II | Academicism, Peripateticism, and Stoicism put forward by 125 Int, II | distinguish between the earlier and later forms of doctrine 126 Int, II | the true from the false, and the determination of an 127 Int, II | the New Academic school, and in opposition to all other 128 Int, II | absolute, indestructible and irrefragable truth. One 129 Int, II | inclined him to charity and toleration, and repelled 130 Int, II | charity and toleration, and repelled him from the fury 131 Int, II | another with all gentleness and meekness75. In positiveness 132 Int, II | to be something reckless and disgraceful, unworthy of 133 Int, II | quoted as a warning example, and the baneful effects of authority 134 Int, II | example of the Old Academy and Aristotle80. Those who demand 135 Int, II | book of the De Finibus, and when the discrepancy is 136 Int, II | score that he is an Academic and a freeman83. "Modo hoc, 137 Int, II | Socrates, to rid himself and others of the mists of error87. 138 Int, II | the purposes of oratory, and the fact that eloquence 139 Int, II | Orators, politicians, and stylists had ever found 140 Int, II | teaching of the Academic and Peripatetic masters91. The 141 Int, II | Peripatetic masters91. The Stoics and Epicureans cared nothing 142 Int, II | estimable, ceteris paribus, and that man was Carneades94.~ 143 Int, II | vivendi). All speculative and non-ethical doctrines were 144 Int, II | the Pyrrhonian scepticism and of the dogmatism of Zeno 145 Int, II | of the dogmatism of Zeno and Epicurus. Their logical 146 Int, II | Epicurus. Their logical and physical doctrines were 147 Int, II(94) | D. V. §11. D.F. II. §§1 and 2, etc.~ 148 Int, II | Old Academy for the New, and admits the charge. How is 149 Int, II | thus. Arcesilas, Carneades, and Philo had been too busy 150 Int, II | their polemic against Zeno and his followers, maintained 151 Int, II | which Cicero had written and published before the Academica, 152 Int, II | imitations of early Academic and Peripatetic writers, who, 153 Int, II | dialectic to the front, and pronounced boldly for Carneades, 154 Int, II | champion of an exploded and discredited school96.~Cicero' 155 Int, II(96) | N.D. i. §6. Ac. ii. §§1 and 1.~ 156 Int, II | respect of their ethical and religious ideas he calls 157 Int, II | ideas he calls them "great and famous philosophers99," 158 Int, II | famous philosophers99," and he frequently speaks with 159 Int, II | at the hands of Arcesilas and Carneades. Once he gives 160 Int, II | maintained that it was not, and in a remarkable passage 161 Int, II | He begs the Academic and Peripatetic schools to cease 162 Int, II | uncertain sound (balbutire) and to allow that the happiness 163 Int, II | doctrine that virtue is one and indivisible104. These opinions, 164 Int, II | feeling with regard to Zeno, and there can be no doubt that 165 Int, II | difference between Antiochus and Cicero lies. To the former 166 Int, II | Zeno's dialectic was true and Socratic, while the latter 167 Int, II | was very human in his joys and sorrows, refused it with 168 Int, II | between the Peripatetic and Stoic ethics was merely 169 Int, II | the Tusculan Disputations and the De Officiis.~With regard 170 Int, II | power. Piety, sanctity, and moral good, were impossible 171 Int, II | beautiful Stoic theology, and he defends the great sceptic 172 Int, II | discrepancy between the spurious and the genuine Aristotelian 173 Int, II | by a study of Aristotle and Plato. For a thorough understanding 174 Int, II | Plato, which he knew well and translated, is especially 175 Int, II | in the main Aristotelian, and that Cicero was well aware 176 Int, II | estimate of the Peripatetic and Epicurean schools. The former 177 Int, II | their ignorance of logic112, and in ethics had approximated 178 Int, II | grossly unintellectual, and they discarded mathematics. 179 Int, II | dialectic they did not use, and they crowned all their errors 180 Int, II | indifferent to every adornment and beauty of language. ~ 181 Int, III | originality as a philosopher, and on that score to depreciate 182 Int, III | Sextus Empiricus, Plutarch and other authorities, will 183 Int, III | unimportant influence on society and on the Christian religion 184 Int, III | education of his countrymen, and to enrich their literature. 185 Int, III | was the first to write, and his books seem to have had 186 Int, III | whole of Italy115. Rabirius and Catius the Insubrian, possibly 187 Int, III | Insubrian, possibly the epicure and friend of Horace, were two 188 Int, III | philosophy for Latin readers, and the voluptuous blandishments 189 Int, III | for morality in the legal and social constitution of the 190 Int, III | constitution of the family, and did not much feel the need 191 Int, III | this subject, interesting and important as it is in itself, 192 Int, III | important as it is in itself, and neglected though it has 193 Int, III | his sweeping condemnation, and being unwilling to allow 194 Int, III | Lucretius was an obscure man and only slowly won his way 195 Int, III | thought it would flourish and take the place of oratory, 196 Int, III | enforced political inaction, and amid the disorganisation 197 Int, III | Cicero idleness was misery, and in those evil times he was 198 Int, III | oratory, public harangues, and politics126. It is strange 199 Int, III | devoting himself to philosophy, and a careless reader might 200 Int, III | Romans unmanly, unpractical and unstatesmanlike127. There 201 Int, III | such pursuits altogether, and to regard any fresh importation 202 Int, III | depreciation, sufficient interest and sympathy were roused by 203 Int, III | cared, praised the books, and many were incited both to 204 Int, III | were incited both to read and to write philosophy130. 205 Int, III | we possess, the Academica and the De Finibus, required 206 Int, III | claims to have his oratorical and political writings, all 207 Int, III | Crantor's book, περι πενθους, and the Hortensius, which was 208 Int, III | philosophical works of Cicero, and the dates of their composition, 209 Int, IV | Latin coast between Antium and [xxxii] Circeii134. Here 210 Int, IV | best solace for his pain, and wrote for whole days together135. 211 Int, IV | dense woods near his villa, and remain there absorbed in 212 Int, IV | would return to the forum and the senate. A grief, which 213 Int, IV | senate. A grief, which books and solitude could scarcely 214 Int, IV | very much for historical and biographical details, and 215 Int, IV | and biographical details, and in the letter in question 216 Int, IV | of the combined Academic and Peripatetic schools under 217 Int, IV | announced later still152; and even at a later date Cicero 218 Int, IV | books, entitled Catulus and Lucullus, of the Priora 219 Int, IV | work156, while συνταγμα157, and συγγραμμα158, designate 220 Int, IV | of Cicero to the Catulus and Lucullus. Krische, however, 221 Int, IV | view is unsatisfactory, and prefers to hold that the 222 Int, IV | Hortensius (or de Philosophia) and the Priora Academica are 223 Int, IV | book was written at Astura, and published before the Academica. 224 Int, IV | the Tusculan Disputations and the De Divinatione161 the 225 Int, IV | Divinatione161 the Hortensius and the Academica are mentioned 226 Int, IV | the former was finished and given to the world before 227 Int, IV | disputed that the Hortensius and the Academica must have 228 Int, IV | closely connected, in style and tone, than any two works 229 Int, IV | excepting perhaps the Academica and the De Finibus. The interlocutors 230 Int, IV | been added to the Catulus and Lucullus, in which the public 231 Int, IV | known attainments of Catulus and Lucullus, and the parts 232 Int, IV | of Catulus and Lucullus, and the parts they were made 233 Int, IV | statements concerning the ability and culture of these two noble 234 Int, IV | noble Romans which he knew, and in his own letters to Atticus 235 Int, IV | arrange some business matters, and to avoid the embarrassing 236 Int, IV | transfer the parts of Catulus and Lucullus to Cato and Brutus169. 237 Int, IV | Catulus and Lucullus to Cato and Brutus169. This plan was 238 Int, IV | Academica, allowing that Catulus and Lucullus, though of noble 239 Int, IV | another place was to be found, and the remark was made that 240 Int, IV | a follower of Antiochus, and the fittest person to expound 241 Int, IV | interlocutors himself, Varro and Atticus178. The position 242 Int, IV | consider the matter over and over again before he finally 243 Int, IV | naturally grew impatient, and Cicero was obliged to assure 244 Int, IV | I am in favour of Varro, and the more so because he wishes 245 Int, IV | feared Varro's temper, and perhaps his knowledge and 246 Int, IV | and perhaps his knowledge and real critical fastidiousness. 247 Int, IV | communicated with Varro, and to have assured Cicero that 248 Int, IV | take a general assurance, and anxiously asked for a detailed 249 Int, IV | more brilliant, more terse, and altogether better than the 250 Int, IV | surpass190." The binding and adornment of the presentation 251 Int, IV | received great attention, and the letter accompanying 252 Int, IV | everything had been done and the book had been sent to 253 Int, IV | Atticus: "I tell you again and again that the presentation 254 Int, IV | necessary, because Balbus and Caerellia had just managed 255 Int, IV | to meet Atticus at Rome and send the work to Varro, 256 Int, IV | Posteriora was completed200, and often subsequently, when 257 Int, IV | quaestio, Ακαδημικη συνταξις, and Academia, are merely descriptive203; 258 Int, IV | entirely at Astura, Antium, and Arpinum.~Quintilian seems 259 Int, IV | to by Nonius, Diomedes, and Lactantius, under the title 260 Int, IV | only as Academici libri, and his references show that 261 Int, IV | examine into the constitution and arrangement of the two editions.~ 262 Int, IV | characters in this dialogue and the Lucullus are among those 263 Int, IV | those genuine Optimates and adherents of the senatorial 264 Int, IV | political career of father and son we shall have little 265 Int, IV | philosophy of the time, and the nature of their connection 266 Int, IV | sometimes classes the father and son together as men of literary 267 Int, IV | men of literary culture and perfect masters of Latin 268 Int, IV | foremost Optimates of Rome, and his character, life, and 269 Int, IV | and his character, life, and influence are often depicted 270 Int, IV | state215, Cicero cries, and deserves to be classed with 271 Int, IV | opposes the Manilian law, and asks the people on whom 272 Int, IV | Catilinarian conspiracy, and was the first to confer 273 Int, IV | bidding him remember "Catulus and the olden times223." The 274 Int, IV | between the zeal of Cicero and the lukewarmness of his 275 Int, IV | the passages above quoted, and from our knowledge of Cicero' 276 Int, IV | consulship was once more lauded, and great stress was laid upon 277 Int, IV | Archias with the Catuli, and to the poem he had written 278 Int, IV | dialogue, its supposed date, and the place where it was held, 279 Int, IV | B.C. in which Catulus died, and 63, the year of Cicero's 280 Int, IV | speakers had been engaged; and after more compliments had 281 Int, IV | difference between the dogmatic and sceptic schools. Catulus 282 Int, IV | to speak of the character and philosophical opinions of 283 Int, IV | accomplishments. Throughout the second and third books he is treated 284 Int, IV | touches on Greek literature and philosophy. We are especially 285 Int, IV | acquaintance with Greek, and his style of speaking it, 286 Int, IV | systematic rhetoric of Aristotle and Theophrastus is most to 287 Int, IV | Cicero had imitated238, and was well known as a wit 288 Int, IV | was well known as a wit and writer of epigrams239.~Although 289 Int, IV | schools can the orator spring, and the whole tone of the De 290 Int, IV | information [l] from books and especially from the writings 291 Int, IV | the case of Antonius243, and Crassus244. It is scarcely 292 Int, IV | intercourse between Philo and Catulus can have taken place, 293 Int, IV | later years of Catulus, and no one at all conversant 294 Int, IV | No follower of Carneades and Clitomachus, such as Catulus 295 Int, IV | of a defence of Carneades and Arcesilas against [li] the 296 Int, IV | distinction between αδηλα and ακαταληπτα would be a peculiarly 297 Int, IV | reserved for the most brilliant and incisive orator of the party— 298 Int, IV | the speech of Catulus, and the succeeding one of Hortensius. 299 Int, IV | philosophy, which both Carneades and Philo had wrongly abandoned. 300 Int, IV | to make Varro speak first and not second as Hortensius 301 Int, IV | philosophy altogether258, and denied that philosophy and 302 Int, IV | and denied that philosophy and wisdom were at all the same 303 Int, IV | cultivated man of the time, and would only be put forward 304 Int, IV | Cicero, also his character and attainments, are too well 305 Int, IV | from the published works and oral teaching of Antiochus.~ 306 Int, IV | essential harmony with the Old, and also with those ancient 307 Int, IV | philosophy, who appeals to great and ancient names like a seditious 308 Int, IV | Parmenides, Xenophanes, Plato, and Socrates264. But Cicero 309 Int, IV | of καταληπτικη φαντασια and εννοιαι (which though really 310 Int, IV(264)| Cf. II. §1 with I. §4, and II. §§5, 5.~ 311 Int, IV | important terms in the Stoic, and to some extent in the Antiochean 312 Int, IV | position of the New Academy, and not to advance sceptical 313 Int, IV | were really out of place, and were merely introduced in 314 Int, IV | The whole constitution and tenor of the elaborate speech 315 Int, IV | of Catulus, Hortensius, and Cicero had gone over nearly 316 Int, IV | doubtless, Philo himself and Clitomachus.~In that intermediate 317 Int, IV | the Academica, where Cato and Brutus appeared in the place 318 Int, IV | the place of Hortensius and Lucullus, there can be no 319 Int, IV | Catulus early in the morning, and came to that of Hortensius 320 Int, IV | with its polished floor and lines of statues, the waves 321 Int, IV | waves rippled at their feet, and the sea away to the horizon 322 Int, IV | to the horizon glistened and quivered under the bright 323 Int, IV | quivered under the bright sun, and changed colour under the 324 Int, IV | sight lay the Cuman shore and Puteoli, thirty stadia distant281.~ 325 Int, IV | vividness to the dialogue and [lviii] to keep it perfectly 326 Int, IV | dramatic283. The many political and private troubles which were 327 Int, IV | Still we can catch here and there traces of thoughts 328 Int, IV | there traces of thoughts and plans which were actively 329 Int, IV | Finibus, the De Natura Deorum and other works are shadowed 330 Int, IV | publication of the Academica and De Finibus, is clearly to 331 Int, IV | to be seen285.~Hortensius and Catulus now sink to a secondary 332 Int, IV | told in Cicero's dialogue, and the passages already quoted 333 Int, IV | Sicily was the poet Archias, and during the whole of his 334 Int, IV | Tyrius, Tetrilius Rogus and the Selii, all men of philosophic 335 Int, IV | of the Senatorial party, and Cato and Brutus lived to 336 Int, IV | Senatorial party, and Cato and Brutus lived to be present, 337 Int, IV | war between Pompey [lx] and Caesar. Brutus and Cicero 338 Int, IV | lx] and Caesar. Brutus and Cicero were both friends 339 Int, IV | both friends of Antiochus and Aristus, whose pupil Brutus 340 Int, IV | necessary in the scenery and other accessories of the 341 Int, IV | the Cuman villa of Catulus and almost within sight of Hortensius' 342 Int, IV | the death of Tullia294, and the publication of the Hortensius295. 343 Int, IV | the date of Tullia's death and the writing of the Academica, 344 Int, IV | shown that Varro, Cicero and Atticus could not have met 345 Int, IV | at once occur to Varro, and Cicero anticipates his wonder 346 Int, IV | contact between his life and that of Cicero, with a few 347 Int, IV | sufficient to show his character and the impossibility of anything 348 Int, IV | Cicero had eulogised Varro; and in the letter to which I 349 Int, IV | s return from exile, he and Varro remained in the same 350 Int, IV | the Pompeian cause, Cicero and Varro do seem to have been 351 Int, IV | they are all cold, forced and artificial; very different 352 Int, IV | Caelius, Paetus, Plancus, and Trebatius. They all show 353 Int, IV | the harsh temper of Varro, and a humility in presence of 354 Int, IV | negotiations between Atticus and Cicero with respect to the 355 Int, IV | a follower of Antiochus and the so-called Old Academy. 356 Int, IV | possible, by an elaborate and pedantic process of exhaustion, 357 Int, IV | edition preserved by Nonius and others. Roughly speaking, 358 Int, IV | from the second edition, and can tell us nothing about 359 Not, 1 | 14. Summary. Cic., Varro and Atticus meet at Cumae (1). 360 Not, 1 | serve no useful purpose, and points to the failures of 361 Not, 1 | philosophers as well as Greek poets and orators. He gives reasons 362 Not, 1 | himself make the attempt, and instancing the success of 363 Not, 1 | New. Cic. defends himself, and appeals to Philo for the 364 Not, 1 | difference between Antiochus and Philo. Varro agrees, and 365 Not, 1 | and Philo. Varro agrees, and promises an exposition of 366 Not, 1 | Madv. tum for eum (Baiter and Halm's ed. of 1861, p. 854). 367 Not, 1 | unemphatic is, cf. T.D. III. 71, and M.D.F. V. 22. I may note 368 Not, 1 | novi: Roma is the ablative, and some verb like attulisset 369 Not, 1 | II. 4. Monumentis: this, and not monimentis (Halm) or 370 Not, 1 | Div. II. 1, Cat. Mai. 38), and moreover nothing is more 371 Not, 1 | the repetition of words and clauses in slightly altered 372 Not, 1 | MSS., makes Cic. write i and e indiscriminately in the 373 Not, 1 | show that interrogatiuncula and conclusiuncula are almost 374 Not, 1 | denoting the Greek ‛ρητορικη and διαλεκτικη; note on 32. 375 Not, 1 | clause which intensifies and does not merely explain 376 Not, 1 | editors from Lamb. to Halm and Baiter read efficientis, 377 Not, 1 | efficientes, for which cf. 24 and Topica, 58, proximus locus 378 Not, 1 | authority, it must be kept, and adhibenda etiam begins the 379 Not, 1 | continentur without cum, so Orelli and Klotz. Goer. absurdly tries 380 Not, 1 | the MSS., given by Halm and also Baiter. Madv. (Em. 381 Not, 1 | was adduced (T.D. III. 14) and the usage probably is not 382 Not, 1 | physics. If quoniam is read and no break made at adducere, 383 Not, 1 | X. 6 (qu. Zeller, 451), and less accurately by Athenaeus, 384 Not, 1 | Athenaeus, VII. 279 (qu. R. and P. 353). Ne suspicari quidem: 385 Not, 1 | suspicari (D.F. II. 20), and verbs of the kind (cogitari 386 Not, 1 | kind (cogitari II. 82), and especially, as Durand remarked, 387 Not, 1 | not only se, but me, nos, and other accusatives of pronouns 388 Not, 1 | si—sive or sive—si. This and two or three other similar 389 Not, 1 | Madv. in a most important and exhaustive excursus to his 390 Not, 1 | his D.F. (p. 785, ed. 2), and are connected with other 391 Not, 1 | as did Turn. Lamb. Dav. and others. Quam nos ... probamus: 392 Not, 1 | I am surprised that Halm and Baiter both follow Ernesti 393 Not, 1 | phrase explicare Academiam, and read erunt against the MSS., 394 Not, 1 | nequeo, volo, malo, possum, and such verbs when an infinitive 395 Not, 1 | of firmness, consistency, and clearness of mind are bound 396 Not, 1 | 90. I therefore hold Halm and Baiter to be wrong in bracketing 397 Not, 1 | would also prefer. De, ab, and ex follow haurire indifferently 398 Not, 1 | Praeconinus, the master of Varro, and the earliest systematic 399 Not, 1 | Menippean Satires remain, and have often been edited—most 400 Not, 1 | after Faber ejects quae, and is followed by Baiter. Varro 401 Not, 1 | word occurs nowhere else, and Cic. almost condemns it 402 Not, 1 | tyrannus (De Rep. III. 45), and anapaestus (T.D. III. 57) 403 Not, 1 | which is taken by Baiter and by Halm; who quotes with 404 Not, 1 | nescient to suit malent above, and is followed by Baiter. It 405 Not, 1 | strong for the passage, and cannot be supported by 12, 406 Not, 1 | imitati: note the collocation, and cf. 17. Halm needlessly 407 Not, 1 | prologues to D.F. I., T.D. I. and II.~§11. Procuratio: for 408 Not, 1 | proper meaning of procurator and procuratio see Jordan on 409 Not, 1 | fragment 7, ed. Nobbe, and Introd. p. 32. Aut ... aut ... 410 Not, 1 | praise often recurs in D.F. and the Brutus Graecia desideret 411 Not, 1 | which has Graeca. Halm (and after him Baiter) adopts 412 Not, 1 | Turnebus, a Graecia desideres, and that of Dav. Graecia desideretur. 413 Not, 1 | 56. Aristum: cf. II. 11, and M.D.F. V. 8.~§13. Sine te: = 414 Not, 1 | Pro Cluentio 16, Classen and Baiter now om. the word. 415 Not, 1 | the word. Further, vetus and nova can scarcely be so 416 Not, 1 | barely used to denote the Old and the New Academy. The reading 417 Not, 1 | is from Madv. (Em. 115), and is supported by illam veterem ( 418 Not, 1 | istius veteris (D.F. V. 8), and similar uses. Bentl. (followed 419 Not, 1 | Bentl. (followed by Halm and Bait.) thinks iam comprises 420 Not, 1 | words often occur together and illustrate Cic.'s love for 421 Not, 1 | verbs of the first conjug. and vice versa. In libris: see 422 Not, 1 | the Academy refer to R. and P. 404. Contra ea Philonis: 423 Not, 1 | Possibly the MSS. may be right, and libros may be supplied from 424 Not, 1 | To make contra an adv. and construe Philonis Antiochus 425 Not, 1 | Goerenz's note, is wild, and cannot be justified by D.F. 426 Not, 1 | praestantissima recensio," and founds his own text upon 427 Not, 1 | without essent as a hexameter, and suppose it a quotation. 428 Not, 1 | dialogues cf. De Div. II. 150, and Augustine, the imitator 429 Not, 1 | of a clause in Brut. 24, and considitur in De Or. III. 430 Not, 1 | Socrates rejected physics and made ethics supreme in philosophy ( 431 Not, 1 | task (16). Plato added to and enriched the teaching of 432 Not, 1 | negative position of Socrates and adopted definite tenets, 433 Not, 1 | another—the Peripatetic and the Academic (17, 18).~§ 434 Not, 1 | adding quasi in II. 26, and often. Avocavisse philosophiam: 435 Not, 1 | however occurred to Cic., and were curiously answered 436 Not, 1 | the passages quoted by R. and P. 141. To form an opinion 437 Not, 1 | Philosopher (trans. by Thirlwall), and Zeller's Socrates and the 438 Not, 1 | and Zeller's Socrates and the Socratic Schools, Eng. 439 Not, 1 | as it relates to Socrates and Plato. Nihil tamen ad bene 440 Not, 1 | valere is absent from MSS., and is inserted by Halm, its 441 Not, 1 | three may (cf. II. 63), and though with pairs of nouns 442 Not, 1 | though with pairs of nouns and adjectives, et often is 443 Not, 1 | Wesenberg, reprinted in Baiter and Halm's edition, of Cic.' 444 Not, 1 | Halm has tantum. Tam, tum and tamen are often confused 445 Not, 1 | inconsistent as the MSS. and edd. make him (cf. Baiter 446 Not, 1 | edd. make him (cf. Baiter and Halm's ed., Ac. II. 11, 447 Not, 1 | C.I. vol. I. nos. 571 and 1007) give duos, which Cic. 448 Not, 1 | Duo is in old Latin poets and Virgil. Chalcedonium: not 449 Not, 1 | above, Lipsius keeps it and ejects philosophiae, while 450 Not, 1 | hands of the old Academics and Peripatetics. Ars = τεχνη, 451 Not, 1 | Inscr., vol. I. nos. 198 and 200, has thrice discriptos 452 Not, 1 | videtur: MSS. transpose quidem and videtur, as in 44. Quidem, 453 Not, 1 | in n. on 36. The Platonic and Aristotelian ethics have 454 Not, 1 | affects everything Athenian, and speaks as though he were 455 Not, 1 | three kinds, mental, bodily, and external. The bodily are 456 Not, 1 | two classes, congenital and acquired, virtue being the 457 Not, 1 | which virtue has chief part, and is capable in itself of 458 Not, 1 | intelligent account of action and duty (23).~§19. Ratio triplex: 459 Not, 1 | Aug. De Civ. Dei VIII. 4, and by Diog. Laert. III. 56 ( 460 Not, 1 | Laert. III. 56 (see R. and P., p. 195). The division 461 Not, 1 | farther back than Xenocrates and the post-Aristotelian Peripatetics, 462 Not, 1 | it enabled more sharply and decisively to subordinate 463 Not, 1 | later. Ac primum: many MSS. and edd. primam, cf. 23, 30. 464 Not, 1 | have found this in Plato and Aristotle is difficult to 465 Not, 1 | compared with our passage, and Varro in Aug. XIX. 3. The 466 Not, 1 | passed into Stoic hands and then into those of Antiochus. 467 Not, 1 | is foreign both to Plato and Arist, though Stobaeus, 468 Not, 1 | of Stob. Eth. II. 6, 7, and T.D. V. 22. Sensus integros 469 Not, 1 | Ciceronian, recalls presse loqui, and N.D. II. 149. Pliny, Panegyric, 470 Not, 1 | explanavitque verba; he and Quintilian often so use 471 Not, 1 | Halm), but cf. T.D. III. 2, and animis below and in N.D. 472 Not, 1 | III. 2, and animis below and in N.D. II. 58. In naturam 473 Not, 1 | αρεται into διανοητικαι and ηθικαι (Nic. Eth. I. c. 474 Not, 1 | αγχινοια σοφια φρονησις), and the docilitas, memoria of 475 Not, 1 | oratio obliqua to recta, and cf. the opposite change 476 Not, 1 | cf. M.D.F. IV. 64, 66, R. and P. 392, sq., Zeller, Stoics 477 Not, 1 | 26, D.F. IV. 35, V. 38, and Madvig's note on D.F. II. 478 Not, 1 | omit et between cernitur and in, exc. Halm's G which 479 Not, 1 | which has in before animi and also before corporis. These 480 Not, 1 | portion of the εκτος αγαθα, and although not strictly contained 481 Not, 1 | are necessary to enrich it and preserve it. Of the things 482 Not, 1 | division of αγαθα into ποιητικα and φυλακτικα, Stob. II. 6, 483 Not, 1 | dum, the subj. is strange, and was felt to be so by the 484 Not, 1 | appellantur. Videbatur: Goer. and Orelli stumble over this, 485 Not, 1 | ethical finis with that in 19 and the passages quoted in my 486 Not, 1 | Stoic τα πρωτα κατα φυσιν and the Peripatetic τριλογια. 487 Not, 1 | practical identity of the Stoic and Peripatetic views of the 488 Not, 1 | away the ground from action and duty, see II. 24. Recti 489 Not, 1 | that is consists of force and matter, which are never 490 Not, 1 | formless matter, matter and space are infinitely subdivisible ( 491 Not, 1 | acts on the formless matter and so produces the ordered 492 Not, 1 | Reason permeates the universe and makes it eternal. This Reason 493 Not, 1 | translation both of φυσις and ουσια. Here it is ουσια 494 Not, 1 | distinction between Force and Matter, the active and passive 495 Not, 1 | Force and Matter, the active and passive agencies in the 496 Not, 1 | is of course Aristotelian and Platonic. Antiochus however 497 Not, 1 | Handbook, pp 99—105. R. and P. 273 sq. should be consulted 498 Not, 1 | with logical genus (ειδος), and of Matter (‛υλη) with logical 499 Not, 1 | attempt to translate το ποιουν and το πασχον of the Theaetetus, 500 Not, 1 | the Theaetetus, το οθεν and το δεχομενον of the Timaeus (