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Alphabetical [« »] than 79 thankful 1 thanks 1 that 712 the 4302 theaet 5 theaetet 1 | Frequency [« »] 783 i 747 et 732 cf 712 that 613 as 613 for 607 which | Marcus Tullius Cicero Academica Concordances that |
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1 Pre | with explanatory notes is that of Goerenz, published in 2 Pre | every way far superior to that of Goerenz, is very deficient 3 Pre | several years ago. I trust that the work in its present 4 Pre | be said to be founded on that of Halm which appeared in 5 Pre | interrupted by the death of that editor. I have never however 6 Pre | considerably nearer the MSS. than that of Halm. My obligations 7 Pre | emendations of my own, and that only where the conjecttires 8 Pre | textual criticism, I may say that I have done so from a conviction 9 Pre | done so from a conviction that the very excellence of the 10 Pre | examiner has proved to me that the students for whom this 11 Pre | taken. I need hardly say that I do not expect or intend 12 Pre | any linguistic difficulty that occurred. Want of space 13 Pre | a reader who is studying that subject for the first time. 14 Pre | junior students, it is hoped that it may not be without interest 15 Pre | some errors, to throw off that intellectual disease of 16 Pre | scholarship as compared with that of Germany,~I have only 17 Pre | Germany,~I have only to add that I shall be thankful for 18 Int, I | 90—45 B.C.~It would seem that Cicero's love for literature 19 Int, I | him was probably derived that strong love for the old 20 Int, I | this period of their lives that Atticus and his friend became 21 Int, I | important to the orator that he calls it "abbreviated 22 Int, I | quickened by the conviction that the old judicial system 23 Int, I | overthrown for ever, and that the great career once open 24 Int, I | now barred.10~We thus see that before Cicero was twenty 25 Int, I | It is fair to conclude that he must have become thoroughly 26 Int, I | there can be little doubt that from the great rhetorician 27 Int, I | It is usually supposed that he came into collision with 28 Int, I | no better evidence than that of Plutarch. Cicero himself, 29 Int, I | eminent rhetorical teachers at that time resident in the city14. 30 Int, I | attended the lectures of that clear thinker and writer, 31 Int, I | It is curious to find that Zeno is numbered by Cicero 32 Int, I | him in the De Oratore, that Cicero knew himm through 33 Int, I | is sufficient here to say that on the main point which 34 Int, I | however, make it evident that he set a high value on the 35 Int, I | strengthened by the fact that many friends of the latter, 36 Int, I | Antiochus. It is improbable that Cicero at this time became 37 Int, I | in such a way as to show that he was unknown to Cicero 38 Int, I | his views of philosophy, that with Posidonius the pupil 39 Int, I | affection, and Cicero tells us that he read his works more than 40 Int, I | time in systematic study. That his oratory owed much to 41 Int, I | we know from his letters that it was his later practice 42 Int, I | information, we may believe that he kept up his old knowledge 43 Int, I | the idea now spread abroad that Cicero was a mere dabbler 44 Int, I | dabbler in literature, and that his works were extempore 45 Int, I | and laughingly pronouncing that nothing is sweeter than 46 Int, I | following year (54) he writes that politics must cease for 47 Int, I | must cease for him, and that he therefore returns unreservedly 48 Int, I | accordance with nature, that of the student44. During 49 Int, I | may appeal for evidence that his old philosophical studies 50 Int, I | to his own pleasure and that of the Athenians. He stayed 51 Int, I | Athens. It was at this time that Cicero interfered to prevent 52 Int, I | merit to the most eminent of that school52.~The care of that 53 Int, I | that school52.~The care of that disordered province Cilicia 54 Int, I | could more clearly show that he was really a man of books; 55 Int, I | letter written to Varro in that year65, he says "I assure 56 Int, I | student of philosophy during that portion of his life which 57 Int, I | sufficient to justify his boast that at no time had he been divorced 58 Int, I | later period—the Hortensius—that he was a mere tiro in philosophy, 59 Int, I | philosophy, by the assertion that on the contrary nothing 60 Int, I | with ancient authorities, that his knowledge of Greek philosophy 61 Int, II | Epicureanism of Epicurus, but that of Zeno, Phaedrus, Patro, 62 Int, II | Academicism of Philo as well as that of Arcesilas and Carneades; 63 Int, II | it is at once concluded that Cicero is in gross error, 64 Int, II | view of the first problem: that the attainment of any infallible 65 Int, II | further refinements, I may say that Cicero in this respect was 66 Int, II | himself says, the doctrine that absolute knowledge is impossible 67 Int, II | xvii] were combined72. In that which was most distinctively 68 Int, II | philosophy with him was that it should avoid this arrogance73. 69 Int, II | dogmatism. He repeatedly insists that the diversities of opinion 70 Int, II | Milton to Mill, to show that the free conflict of opinion 71 Int, II | philosophy, which was by that very freedom brought rapidly 72 Int, II | Cicero carry this freedom, that in the fifth book of the 73 Int, II | statements, on the score that he is an Academic and a 74 Int, II | Academic is only anxious that people should combat his 75 Int, II | indignantly repels the charge that the Academy, though claiming 76 Int, II | of oratory, and the fact that eloquence was, as he puts 77 Int, II | estimable, ceteris paribus, and that man was Carneades94.~In 78 Int, II | the second great problem, that of the ethical standard, 79 Int, II | standard, we must never forget that it was considered by nearly 80 Int, II | oft-repeated statements that he never recanted the doctrines 81 Int, II | is confirmed by the fact that for many years before Cicero 82 Int, II | much was this the case, that when Cicero wrote the Academica 83 Int, II | degrees. The Stoics maintained that it was not, and in a remarkable 84 Int, II | the position of Antiochus, that a life enriched by virtue, 85 Int, II | balbutire) and to allow that the happiness of the wise 86 Int, II | the purely Stoic doctrine that virtue is one and indivisible104. 87 Int, II | and there can be no doubt that he caught it from Antiochus 88 Int, II | ever stoutly maintained that Zeno had stolen them before. 89 Int, II | dialectic. It is just in this that the difference between Antiochus 90 Int, II | them, although he conceded that they were Socratic107. Again, 91 Int, II | subscribed to the Stoic theory that all emotion was sinful; 92 Int, II | It must be admitted that on some points Cicero was 93 Int, II | the De Finibus he argued that the difference between the 94 Int, II | may remark at the outset that a comparatively small importance 95 Int, II | importance lay in the fact that ancient theology was, as 96 Int, II | It went to Cicero's heart that Carneades should have found 97 Int, II | great sceptic by the plea that his one aim was to arouse 98 Int, II | not be forgotten, also, that the Stoic physics were in 99 Int, II | the main Aristotelian, and that Cicero was well aware of 100 Int, III | as a philosopher, and on that score to depreciate his 101 Int, III | for it is only from them that we get any full or clear 102 Int, III | would be hasty to conclude that the writers of these two 103 Int, III | a favourable reception, that, in Cicero's strong language, 104 Int, III | Epicurean physics, the fact that there was no other philosophy 105 Int, III | is exceedingly remarkable that the whole of the Roman Epicurean 106 Int, III | to be found in the fact that the Italian races had as 107 Int, III | He indeed confesses that he had not read them, but 108 Int, III | probable elucidation is, that he found it impossible to 109 Int, III | being unwilling to allow that anything good could come 110 Int, III | his country the reproach that it was completely destitute 111 Int, III | far-fetched arguments to show that philosophy had left its 112 Int, III | To those who objected that philosophy was best left 113 Int, III | He will not even concede that the Greek is a richer tongue 114 Int, III | diverted into other channels that so little progress has been 115 Int, III | There can be no doubt that Cicero was penetrated by 116 Int, III | penetrated by the belief that he could thus do his country 117 Int, III | must never be forgotten that at Rome such studies were 118 Int, III | thing128. Some few preferred that Cicero should write on other 119 Int, IV | the entreaties of Atticus that he would return to the forum 120 Int, IV | was amid such surroundings that the Academica was written. 121 Int, IV | introduces his request imply that he had determined on some 122 Int, IV | accompanied; who was at that time the leader of the Epicurean 123 Int, IV | Peripatetic schools under that name. It may be with reference 124 Int, IV | progress of the Academica that in a later letter he expresses 125 Int, IV | Academica142. He declares that however much his detractors 126 Int, IV | within the same space of time that he has taken to write them143.~ 127 Int, IV | xxxiv] wrote to Atticus that he had finished while at 128 Int, IV | Madvig, have understood that the first edition of the 129 Int, IV | from the letters to Atticus that the De Finibus was being 130 Int, IV | later date Cicero complains that Balbus had managed to obtain 131 Int, IV | whole five books while in that state153. A passage in the 132 Int, IV | affords almost direct evidence that the Academica was published 133 Int, IV | all these grounds I hold that these two works cannot be 134 Int, IV | συνταγματα in question is that they are simply the two 135 Int, IV | giving reasons, decides that this view is unsatisfactory, 136 Int, IV | unsatisfactory, and prefers to hold that the Hortensius (or de Philosophia) 137 Int, IV | Cicero. We are quite certain that the book was written at 138 Int, IV | doubt, showing as they do that the Hortensius had been 139 Int, IV | in such a way as to show that the former was finished 140 Int, IV | point, it cannot be disputed that the Hortensius and the Academica 141 Int, IV | It is rather surprising that under these circumstances 142 Int, IV | Rome165. We have a mention that new prooemia had been added 143 Int, IV | uncharacteristic of Cicero that his first plan for healing 144 Int, IV | the Academica, the fact that among the unpleasant visits 145 Int, IV | Atticus, strongly urging that the whole work should be 146 Int, IV | From this it is evident that Cicero knew nothing of the 147 Int, IV | the scope or magnitude of that work. His complaint that 148 Int, IV | that work. His complaint that Varro had been writing for 149 Int, IV | making any progress173, shows that there could have been little 150 Int, IV | the Academica, allowing that Catulus and Lucullus, though 151 Int, IV | little of it did they possess that they could never even have 152 Int, IV | and the remark was made that the Academica would just 153 Int, IV | expound the opinions of that philosopher177. It happened 154 Int, IV | philosopher177. It happened that continual rain fell during 155 Int, IV | he was so pleased with it that Cicero determined to confer 156 Int, IV | A suggestion of Atticus that Cotta should also be introduced 157 Int, IV | work contains entreaties that he would consider the matter 158 Int, IV | was obliged to assure him that there were reasons, which 159 Int, IV | he grumbles, it may be, that my part in the treatise 160 Int, IV | Atticus [xl] had concluded that Cicero was afraid of the 161 Int, IV | and to have assured Cicero that there was no cause for fear; 162 Int, IV | friend, Atticus affirmed that Varro was jealous of some 163 Int, IV | jealous? It seems strange that Cicero should not have entered 164 Int, IV | Etiquette seems to have required that the recipient of a dedication 165 Int, IV | the letters. He tells us that it extended, on the whole, 166 Int, IV | books have been so finished that the Greeks themselves have 167 Int, IV | tell you again and again that the presentation will be 168 Int, IV | promising to approve any course that might be taken196. Atticus 169 Int, IV | Atticus wrote to say that as soon as Varro came to 170 Int, IV | this fact we may conclude that Cicero had given up all 171 Int, IV | Cicero of course assumes that Atticus, whatever may be 172 Int, IV | of the books as four201. That he wished the work to bear 173 Int, IV | found as early as Pliny205, that Cicero had a villa called 174 Int, IV | from the letters to Atticus that the work was written entirely 175 Int, IV | and his references show that he knew the second edition 176 Int, IV | Cicero's letters to Atticus. That it was not unnecessary to 177 Int, IV | clear from the Lucullus208 that he did little more than 178 Int, IV | speaking for himself, but in that case, as in the De Oratore, 179 Int, IV | where the two are mentioned, that no very high value was placed 180 Int, IV | to be allied to Catulus, that a friend tried to console 181 Int, IV | often referred to by Cicero, that Rome had never been so unfortunate 182 Int, IV | xlvii] ~We have seen that when Cicero found it too 183 Int, IV | Lucullus227. It is well known that in the arrangement of his 184 Int, IV | We are especially told that even with Greeks his acquaintance 185 Int, IV | only from the Academica that we learn definitely his 186 Int, IV | declare himself a follower of that philosopher, nor does Crassus, 187 Int, IV | might have been concluded that he was an adherent either 188 Int, IV | Cicero repeatedly asserts that from no other schools can 189 Int, IV | of the De Oratore shows that Catulus could have had no 190 Int, IV | Epicureans242. The probability is that he had never placed himself 191 Int, IV | It is scarcely possible that any direct intercourse between 192 Int, IV | system of the later than with that of the earlier sceptic. 193 Int, IV | also exceedingly probable that he touched only very lightly 194 Int, IV | while he developed fully that positive teaching about 195 Int, IV | mentioned; Catulus then showed that the only object aimed at 196 Int, IV | principles of Antiochus, that [lii] such a basis was provided 197 Int, IV | Catulus after Carneades, that the wise man would opine255 ( 198 Int, IV | points to the conclusion that this part of the dialogue 199 Int, IV | think it extremely probable that he gave a résumé of the 200 Int, IV | little difficulty in the fact that Hortensius now advocates 201 Int, IV | altogether258, and denied that philosophy and wisdom were 202 Int, IV | only be put forward to show that the New Academic revolt 203 Int, IV | actual warrant for stating that his exposition of Antiochus 204 Int, IV | from which Krische infers that the dialogue, entitled Hortensius, 205 Int, IV | correct, [liv] it follows that Cicero in his reply pursued 206 Int, IV | the New Academy by showing that it was in essential harmony 207 Int, IV | is made by Lucullus266. That Cicero's criticism of the 208 Int, IV | may be seen by the fact that he had not had occasion 209 Int, IV | more clearly does it appear that the main purpose [lv] of 210 Int, IV | speech, he expressly tells us that such sceptical paradoxes 211 Int, IV | Cicero in the Lucullus proves that no general or minute demonstration 212 Int, IV | but only cursorily, so that there was plenty of room 213 Int, IV | Krische believes [lvi] that the argument of Catulus 214 Int, IV | of Lucullus seem to imply that this part of his teaching 215 Int, IV | disputants274. It follows that when Cicero, in his letter 216 Int, IV | describes his own part as that of Philo (partes mihi sumpsi 217 Int, IV | himself and Clitomachus.~In that intermediate form of the 218 Int, IV | Lucullus, there can be no doubt that Brutus occupied a more prominent 219 Int, IV | Hortensius, while Brutus took that of Lucullus. It may perhaps 220 Int, IV | may perhaps seem strange that a Stoic of the Stoics like 221 Int, IV | Antiochus, however much that philosopher may have borrowed 222 Int, IV | the morning, and came to that of Hortensius at Bauli277. 223 Int, IV(277)| after Hortensius' death. That lay at Puteoli: see Ad Att. 224 Int, IV | Antiochus286. Nearly all that is known of the learning 225 Int, IV | in his letters to Atticus that Lucullus was no philosopher. 226 Int, IV | said, mainly a reply to that of Cicero in the Catulus. 227 Int, IV | discourse, we may observe that at the very outset of the 228 Int, IV | Academica, it can be shown that Varro, Cicero and Atticus 229 Int, IV | contact between his life and that of Cicero, with a few words 230 Int, IV | Several passages show that Cicero refused to believe 231 Int, IV | already, show sufficiently that this slight increase in 232 Int, IV | Academica Posteriora will show that there is no reason for accusing 233 Int, IV | Lingua Latina, concluded that Varro had passed over to 234 Int, IV | over to the Stoics before that work was written. All that 235 Int, IV | that work was written. All that was Stoic in Varro came 236 Int, IV | practically the same as that given by Catulus in ed. 237 Int, IV | was appended, probably, that foretaste of the negative 238 Int, IV | closely corresponding to that of Lucullus in ed. 1. Book 239 Int, IV | certainly prior, logically, to that of the Lucullus. ~ 240 Not, 1 | adroitly reminding Varro that the promised dedication 241 Not, 1 | but demurs to the theory that philosophy written in Latin 242 Not, 1 | Philo for the statement that the New Academy is in harmony 243 Not, 1 | Epistolarum, p. 62) shows that it must be inserted. Cic. 244 Not, 1 | M.D.F. V. 22. I may note that the separation of satis 245 Not, 1 | didicisti enim. My reading is that of Dav. followed by Baiter. 246 Not, 1 | I do not presume to say that his usage did not vary, 247 Not, 1 | II. 42 which will show that interrogatiuncula and conclusiuncula 248 Not, 1 | Utramque vim virtutem: strange that Baiter (esp. after Halm' 249 Not, 1 | will refer to ethics, in that case there will be a strange 250 Not, 1 | has conclusively shown that nec for ne ... quidem is 251 Not, 1 | out before nec suspicari; that this is wrong is clear from 252 Not, 1 | wrong is clear from the fact that in D.F. II. 20, 30, T.D. 253 Not, 1 | see 11, 17. I am surprised that Halm and Baiter both follow 254 Not, 1 | Varro is thus made to say that he stated many things dialectically, 255 Not, 1 | dialectically, in order that the populace might be enticed 256 Not, 1 | introduced philosophy into that kind of literature which 257 Not, 1 | proceeded to introduce it into that which the learned read." 258 Not, 1 | tempting alteration, but that the word φιλοσοφικος is 259 Not, 1 | references of Aug. it appears that the "Libri Antiquitatum" 260 Not, 1 | reading on the curious ground that Brutus was not anxious to 261 Not, 1 | a Graecia desideres, and that of Dav. Graecia desideretur. 262 Not, 1 | more probable therefore that omnes was added from an 263 Not, 1 | his one doctrine being that wisdom consists in a consciousness 264 Not, 1 | iudicatum, it is remarkable that in four passages where Cic. 265 Not, 1 | abuses edd. for not knowing that tum ... et, tum ... que, 266 Not, 1 | between the two schools as that about ιδεαι, which had long 267 Not, 1 | however, would never say that philosophy became entirely 268 Not, 1 | the time of Antiochus, so that the similarity between the 269 Not, 1 | Aristotle is difficult to see; that he did so, however, is indubitable; 270 Not, 1 | system on the abstract φυσις, that he scarcely appeals even 271 Not, 1 | All the late schools held that ethics formed the sole ultimate 272 Not, 1 | over this, not perceiving that it has the strong meaning 273 Not, 1 | of the ethical finis with that in 19 and the passages quoted 274 Not, 1 | my note there, will show that Cic. drew little distinction 275 Not, 1 | the Peripatetic τριλογια. That this is historically absurd 276 Not, 1 | sufficiently recognise the fact that Cicero has perfectly correctly 277 Not, 1 | little reflection will show that in no other way could Antiochus 278 Not, 1 | views of the finis. I regret that my space does not allow 279 Not, 1 | Stoic finis was αρετη only, that alone to them was ‛αιρετον, 280 Not, 1 | Antiochus' Physics. Summary. All that is consists of force and 281 Not, 1 | the broadest sense, all that exists. In res duas: the 282 Not, 1 | by the next clause, viz. that Force and Matter cannot 283 Not, 1 | meaning of this is clear, that nothing can exist except 284 Not, 1 | et quasi qualitatem: note that corpus is formed, as contrasted 285 Not, 1 | Cic.'s words make it clear that these nouns ought to be 286 Not, 1 | παντος. It will be there seen that Cic. is wrong in making 287 Not, 1 | between Plato's ‛υλη and that of Aristotle. Eoque interire: 288 Not, 1 | Faber was right in supposing that Cic. has said loosely of 289 Not, 1 | Atomists, who maintained that infinite subdivision logically 290 Not, 1 | thoroughly the orthodox one that the Atom was scouted as 291 Not, 1 | 35 A sq. It is notable that Xenocrates, tripping over 292 Not, 1 | ultro in utroque. I think that in utroque, simply, was 293 Not, 1 | simply, was the reading, and that ultro is a dittographia 294 Not, 1 | not be forgotten, however, that to the Stoics the universe 295 Not, 1 | inconsistency, while believing that Reason is the Universe, 296 Not, 1 | The Stoics while believing that our world would be destroyed 297 Not, 1 | Cic. in N.D. I. 30 remarks that Plato in his Timaeus had 298 Not, 1 | God is called Fortune, all that is expressed is human inability 299 Not, 1 | diametrically opposed to that of the Stoics, is to be 300 Not, 1 | so changing and fleeting that no part of their being remained 301 Not, 1 | or even the same, seeing that all parts were in a continuous 302 Not, 1 | off before and after, so that there is no possibility 303 Not, 1 | reading. I venture to say that no real parallel can be 304 Not, 1 | oversight, but to say first that the school (illi, cf. sic 305 Not, 1 | ιδεαι, and next, in 33, that Aristotle crushed the same 306 Not, 1 | We may reflect, however, that the difference between Plato' 307 Not, 1 | with Plato by asserting that though sense is naturally 308 Not, 1 | making Antiochus assert that no true information can 309 Not, 1 | true and false. I believe that we have a mixture here of 310 Not, 1 | I have sometimes thought that Cic. wrote haec, inquam ( 311 Not, 1 | disloyal (34). Zeno maintained that nothing but virtue could 312 Not, 1 | Madv. Em. 119 who remarks that the phrase disputationes 313 Not, 1 | begin here. To the objection that Varro (who in 8 says nihil 314 Not, 1 | unblushingly, Goer. feebly replies that the eulogy is meant for 315 Not, 1 | incommoded. Labefactavit, that Antiochus still continued 316 Not, 1 | be explained by the fact that he considered ethical resemblances 317 Not, 1 | is no reason to suppose that he departed very widely 318 Not, 1 | tenet here mentioned and that of Antiochus in 22 the difference 319 Not, 1 | of Arcesilas. The fact is that we have a mere theory, which 320 Not, 1 | elidere, I cannot believe that he is right). Plato uses 321 Not, 1 | Madv. in his note on that passage coins the word inaestimatio.) 322 Not, 1 | with Madv. (D.F. III. 50), that there is no reason for suspecting 323 Not, 1 | other hand, I do not believe that Cic. could so utterly misunderstand 324 Not, 1 | think even for a moment that the αποπροηγμενα formed 325 Not, 1 | strongly opposed to the fact that Cic. in 36 had explained 326 Not, 1 | error. My explanation is that Cic. began with the intention 327 Not, 1 | suppose Cic. to have had that intention. So if his words 328 Not, 1 | difficulties. Supposing that by ex iis Cic. means mediis, 329 Not, 1 | the sentence; I believe that pluris aestimanda and minoris 330 Not, 1 | of αξια (positive value). That minor aestimatio should 331 Not, 1 | opposite meaning. Now I contend that Cicero's words minoris aestimanda 332 Not, 1 | εχοντα. I therefore conclude that Cicero has striven, so far 333 Not, 1 | express the Stoic doctrine that, of the αδιαφορα, some have 334 Not, 1 | of information; I regret that my space forbids me to attempt 335 Not, 1 | Stoics, proceeded to prove that they had never properly 336 Not, 1 | Perturbationem: I am surprised that Halm after the fine note 337 Not, 1 | virtue (20), it follows that the Stoic sapiens must be 338 Not, 1 | certainly wrong in stating that Arist. derived mind from 339 Not, 1 | clear from Stob. I. 41, 33, that the Peripatetics of the 340 Not, 1 | which is the very name that Aristotle gives to the fifth 341 Not, 1 | immaterial existence The notion that νους or ψυχη came from αιθηρ 342 Not, 1 | the αιθηρ or πεμπτον σωμα, that fiery external rim of the 343 Not, 1 | Aristotle's works, to conclude that the αεικινητος ψυχη of Plato 344 Not, 1 | guarded himself by saying that the soul as an αρχη κινησεως 345 Not, 1 | considerations will be enough to show that neither Cic. nor Antiochus, 346 Not, 1 | physical principles such as that of Democritus (ου γαρ εγχωρειν 347 Not, 1 | simply followed out boldly that line of thought. Xenocrates: 348 Not, 1 | of one thing? The notion that iunctos could mean aptos ( 349 Not, 1 | first Excursus to his D.F.) that we have here an anacoluthon. 350 Not, 1 | 397). Tironum causa I note that the Stoics sometimes speak 351 Not, 1 | contends, with Antiochus, that Zeno merely renamed old 352 Not, 1 | Stoics, however, allowed that some of them were not impervious 353 Not, 1 | equivalent to giving up all that was valuable in the Stoic 354 Not, 1 | quod omnia: the meaning is that the reason must generalize 355 Not, 1 | certain; and maintained that since arguments of equal 356 Not, 1 | think the truth to be ... that it is to be thought," etc. 357 Not, 1 | edd. seem to have thought that esse was needed to go with 358 Not, 2 | this fragment belongs to that historical justification 359 Not, 2 | fragment. Krische remarks that Augustine, Cont. Acad. II. 360 Not, 2 | seems to have imitated that part of Cicero's exposition 361 Not, 2 | Yet it is easy to prove that it is really not level.~ 362 Not, 2 | Lucullus 105.~8. The fact that the eye and hand need such 363 Not, 2 | which are unable to see that which lies immediately above 364 Not, 2 | The student will observe that the above extracts formed 365 Not, 2 | fragm. 32. Fr. 19 shows that the impossibility of distinguishing 366 Not, 2 | 62.~13. Krische believes that this fragment formed part 367 Not, 2 | part of an attempt to show that the senses were trustworthy, 368 Not, 2 | isdem de rebus disputantis) that I am inclined to think that 369 Not, 2 | that I am inclined to think that the reference in Nonius 370 Not, 2 | and not Book III., and that Cic., when he changed the 371 Not, 2 | for the sufficient reason that Puteoli was not visible 372 Not, 2 | Cicero's speech than in that of Lucullus in the Academica 373 Not, 2 | in the Academica Priora that I think the reference in 374 Not, 2 | corrupt malcho, and think that in the second ed. some comparison 375 Not, 2 | corporibus. Krische's opinion that this latter word was in 376 Not, 2 | is crassis occultata, so that we have another alteration, 377 Not, 2 | wrongly. It will be noted that the fragments of Book III. 378 Not, 2 | 32. I have already said that this most likely belonged 379 Not, 2 | I have given my opinion that the substance of Catulus' 380 Not, 2 | book of this edition. To that part this fragment must 381 Not, 2 | proves to demonstration that in the first edition this 382 Not, 2 | speech of Catulus or in that of Cicero. As no reason 383 Not, 2 | Cic. repeatedly insists that the Academic school must 384 Not, 2 | been included if not in that prooemium to the third book 385 Not, 2 | XVI. 6, 4. I may here add that Krische seems to me wrong 386 Not, 2 | seems to me wrong in holding that the whole four books formed 387 Not, 2 | revolted against the Old, all that it did was to discuss that 388 Not, 2 | that it did was to discuss that new doctrine of καταληψις 389 Not, 2 | Academy, made it appear that there was a strife between 390 Not, 2 | opinion (Contra. Ac. II. 1) that New Academicism was excusable 391 Not, 2 | although I ought to say that Krische, p. 65, maintains 392 Not, 2 | Krische, p. 65, maintains that the substance of Catulus' 393 Not, 2 | Africanus (5). Others think that famous men should not be 394 Not, 2 | knowledge (6). Those who hold that the interlocutors in these 395 Not, 2 | had no such knowledge show that they can make their envy 396 Not, 2 | natural, but they must know that Academicism puts no stop 397 Not, 2 | Philo, and Antiochus. At that very time the books mentioned 398 Not, 2 | Antiochus, who was so angry that he wrote a book against 399 Not, 2 | to Dict. Biog. will show that the whole affair was discreditable 400 Not, 2 | East. Superiorum: scarcely that of Sulla.~§2. Laus: "merit," 401 Not, 2 | exspectabatur: Cic. forgets that Luc. had served with distinction 402 Not, 2 | the suggestion of a friend that Lucullus is nom. and that 403 Not, 2 | that Lucullus is nom. and that quos legisset = quorum commentarios 404 Not, 2 | Etsi: M.D.F. V. 68, shows that in Cic. a parenthetic clause 405 Not, 2 | wrote quaestor, arguing that as Luc. was Sulla's quaestor 406 Not, 2 | expressed by res gestae. Note that the verb loqui not dicere 407 Not, 2 | ut potuerunt, "granting that they had the ability, they 408 Not, 2 | text of the Academica 1827) that Cic. commonly uses the perfect 409 Not, 2 | Philone." I think it probable that Philoni is a marginal explanation 410 Not, 2 | in doubt, do you suppose that no advance has been made 411 Not, 2 | Now many dogmatists think that no argument ought to be 412 Not, 2 | φαντασια really led him back to that utter scepticism from which 413 Not, 2 | ever use any accusative in that sense, though they do occasionally 414 Not, 2 | of Gracchus seems to be that they were consulted by him 415 Not, 2 | these words on the ground that the statement about Marius 416 Not, 2 | statement about Marius implies that the demagogues lie about 417 Not, 2 | Similiter: it is noticeable that five MSS. of Halm have simile. 418 Not, 2 | exx. in Forc. will show that the word always means merely " 419 Not, 2 | knowledge and no knowledge, so that incognita is far better. 420 Not, 2 | I am not at all certain that the MSS. reading needs alteration. 421 Not, 2 | suppose, for sake of argument, that the doctrines of the ancients 422 Not, 2 | Quod investigata sunt: "in that an investigation was made." 423 Not, 2 | had been settled. Holding that illa in the former sentence 424 Not, 2 | It is important to note that Arcesilas left no writings 425 Not, 2 | Arcesilas left no writings so that Lacydes became the source 426 Not, 2 | 480. Ipsa evidentia: note that the verb evidere is not 427 Not, 2 | It must not be forgotten that the Stoics held a sensation 428 Not, 2 | gives a clipt form like that of Sextus in the two passages 429 Not, 2 | reprint of his Academica) that Cic. omits to represent 430 Not, 2 | did not truly represent that existent thing. Aug. Cont. 431 Not, 2 | several things are clear, (1) that Philo headed a reaction 432 Not, 2 | reaction towards dogmatism, (2) that he based the possibility 433 Not, 2 | pronounced impossible, (3) that he distorted the views of 434 Not, 2 | Hyp. I. 235, who tells us that while the Carneadeans believed 435 Not, 2 | Sextus indeed tells us that he held things to be in 436 Not, 2 | they never tried to show that things in themselves were 437 Not, 2 | themselves were incognisable, but that human faculties do not avail 438 Not, 2 | does. It would seem from that passage that he defined 439 Not, 2 | would seem from that passage that he defined the cognisable 440 Not, 2 | most likely tried to show that the cognisable was equivalent 441 Not, 2 | statement of the latter that the wise man would "opine," 442 Not, 2 | wise man would "opine," that is, would pronounce definite 443 Not, 2 | Arcesilas and Carneades, that they were apostles of doubt, 444 Not, 2 | correct (12). I may add that from the mention of Philo' 445 Not, 2 | is important for us is, that Cic. never seems to have 446 Not, 2 | definitionem: it is noteworthy that the whole war between the 447 Not, 2 | all hands it was allowed that all knowledge ultimately 448 Not, 2 | about external things. Not that I maintain the truth of 449 Not, 2 | sensation, Epicurus must see to that. Things which impede the 450 Not, 2 | rendered impossible (22). That true perception is possible, 451 Not, 2 | Rational proof requires that something, once veiled, 452 Not, 2 | urged to allow their dogma that perception is impossible, 453 Not, 2 | excludes the supposition that there can be any true perception ( 454 Not, 2 | 28). Antiochus declared that the Academics could not 455 Not, 2 | is important to observe that the word sensus like αισθησις 456 Not, 2 | Cic. seems to consider that the αξιωμα, which affirms 457 Not, 2 | abstract quality, is prior to that which affirms the existence 458 Not, 2 | consequence." The notion that the verb contingit denotes 459 Not, 2 | asserting after Wopkens that Cic. never inserts ut after 460 Not, 2 | Tischer on T.D. II. 52 affirms that ut is frequently found, 461 Not, 2 | rebus: note the assumption that the sensation corresponds 462 Not, 2 | the dogmatist always held that the sceptic must, if consistent, 463 Not, 2 | Nicom. Eth. Aristot. assumes that the actual existence of 464 Not, 2 | exertion is a sufficient proof that there is a τελος. Aperta: 465 Not, 2 | where the dogmatist argues that if proof be impossible, 466 Not, 2 | I think it very likely that the MSS. reading is right, 467 Not, 2 | MSS. reading is right, and that the whole expression is 468 Not, 2 | physical science, we might urge that nature has constructed man 469 Not, 2 | reason. Those then who deny that any certainty can be attained 470 Not, 2 | false, and on the other hold that no absolutely certain method 471 Not, 2 | the possibility remains that it may be really black? 472 Not, 2 | circumstances, we reply that a decision which is still 473 Not, 2 | here. It will be noted that συγκαταθεσις must take place 474 Not, 2 | virtutem efficiat: note that virtue is throughout this 475 Not, 2 | explanation. The merely πιθανη is that sensation which at first 476 Not, 2 | wrong however in thinking that Cic. only uses the word 477 Not, 2 | It is quite impossible that Cic. could have written 478 Not, 2 | the assent given to it, that is involuntary (Sext. A.M. 479 Not, 2 | contradicts a good deal that has gone before, esp. 20. 480 Not, 2 | sensations; after which they show that credit cannot be given to 481 Not, 2 | course with a view to showing that nothing really corresponded 482 Not, 2 | two sensations so similar that the person who has one of 483 Not, 2 | circumstances the sceptics urge that it is absurd to divide things 484 Not, 2 | is enough if he can show that human faculties are not 485 Not, 2 | 4 says Carneades allowed that truth and falsehood (or 486 Not, 2 | this, it is wrong to assume that sensation and thing correspond. 487 Not, 2 | they simply maintained that, granting the existence 488 Not, 2 | is against Cic.'s usage, that of Christ quam observari 489 Not, 2 | applicable only to one thing, that thing must be capable of 490 Not, 2 | premisses. Again to say that there are false sensations 491 Not, 2 | false sensations is to say that there are true ones; you 492 Not, 2 | I need hardly point out that the ‛ορος of the Academics 493 Not, 2 | mocking repetition like that of veri et falsi in 33. 494 Not, 2 | falsi in 33. In falsum: note that falsum = aliam rem above. 495 Not, 2 | inconsistency. Carneades allowed that visa, in themselves, might 496 Not, 2 | true or false, but affirmed that human faculties were incapable 497 Not, 2 | sceptics argue thus: you allow that mere phantom sensations 498 Not, 2 | not allow what is easier, that two sensations caused by 499 Not, 2 | 47). Further, they urge that a phantom sensation produces 500 Not, 2 | dogmatists say they admit that mere phantom sensations