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| Alphabetical [« »] warmth 1 warning 2 warrant 1 was 402 water 7 waterfalls 1 waves 1 | Frequency [« »] 414 ut 408 esse 404 not 402 was 357 from 355 est 331 see | Marcus Tullius Cicero Academica Concordances was |
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Liber, Caput grey = Comment text1 Pre | of Cicero's works, which was interrupted by the death 2 Pre | educational value. The judgment was better cultivated when the 3 Pre | the authority from whom it was taken. I need hardly say 4 Pre | the references given. It was necessary to provide material 5 Pre | of the Academica, which was before difficult of access. 6 Int, I| Cicero's love for literature was inherited from his father, 7 Int, I| time in study.1 From him was probably derived that strong 8 Int, I| teaching of Phaedrus. It was probably at this period 9 Int, I| abbreviated eloquence," was then the monopoly of the 10 Int, I| war. Philo, like Diodotus, was a man of versatile genius: 11 Int, I| the Stoic philosopher, he was a perfect master both of 12 Int, I| inclination for Epicureanism was swept from his mind, and 13 Int, I| for philosophy. His zeal was quickened by the conviction 14 Int, I| judicial system of Rome was overthrown for ever, and 15 Int, I| career once open to an orator was now barred.10~We thus see 16 Int, I| thus see that before Cicero was twenty years of age, he 17 Int, I| boasts12. For two years he was busily engaged, and then 18 Int, I| freedman Chrysogonus, who was implicated in the case of 19 Int, I| departure than his health, which was being undermined by his 20 Int, I| references to his teaching. He was biting and sarcastic in 21 Int, I| he had known18. Phaedrus was now at Athens, and along 22 Int, I| to his instruction, which was eagerly discussed by the 23 Int, I| the two pupils20. Patro was probably in Athens at the 24 Int, I| a professed Peripatetic, was one of his companions in 25 Int, I| some time in Piso's house, was not then at Athens22; it 26 Int, I| acquaintance. Cratippus was at this time unknown to 27 Int, I| learned most at this period was Antiochus of Ascalon, now 28 Int, I| on the main point which was in controversy between Philo 29 Int, I| especially in dialectic, which was taught after Stoic principles. 30 Int, I| Antiochus and Cicero27, which was strengthened by the fact 31 Int, I| a way as to show that he was unknown to Cicero in B.C. 32 Int, I| teachers, chief of whom, was his old friend Molo, the 33 Int, I| other author33. Posidonius was at a later time resident 34 Int, I| time, and although Cicero was well acquainted with the 35 Int, I| of letters begins, Cicero was doubtless too busily engaged 36 Int, I| from his letters that it was his later practice to refresh 37 Int, I| him have a library which was then for sale; expressing 38 Int, I| political occupations, when he was working his hardest for 39 Int, I| the consulship, his heart was given to the adornment of 40 Int, I| throughout his life. He was before all things a man 41 Int, I| presented to Cicero. It was in Greece at the time, and 42 Int, I| spread abroad that Cicero was a mere dabbler in literature, 43 Int, I| every kind of literature was insatiable, and his attainments 44 Int, I| department considerable. He was certainly the most learned 45 Int, I| the end of the year, he was busily engaged on the De 46 Int, I| student44. During this year he was again for the most part 47 Int, I| books were. At this time was written the De Republica, 48 Int, I| acquaintance with this philosopher was lasting, if we may judge 49 Int, I| Epicurean friend of Atticus, who was then with Patro at Athens. 50 Int, I| with Patro at Athens. It was at this time that Cicero 51 Int, I| school50. At this time he was resident at Mitylene, where 52 Int, I| time in his society51. He was by far the greatest, Cicero 53 Int, I| signal favour55. Cicero was anxious to show Rhodes, 54 Int, I| more clearly show that he was really a man of books; by 55 Int, I| evil days, however, nothing was long to his taste; books, 56 Int, I| I shall trace elsewhere, was written.~I have now finished 57 Int, I| divorced from philosophy68. He was entitled to repel the charge 58 Int, I| period—the Hortensius—that he was a mere tiro in philosophy, 59 Int, I| knowledge of Greek philosophy was nearly as accurate as it 60 Int, I| nearly as accurate as it was extensive. So far as the 61 Int, II| any infallible criterion was impossible. To go more into 62 Int, II| that Cicero in this respect was in substantial agreement 63 Int, II| knowledge is impossible was the one Academic tenet against 64 Int, II| combined72. In that which was most distinctively New Academic, 65 Int, II| is easy to see what there was in such a tenet to attract 66 Int, II| attract Cicero. Nothing was more repulsive to his mind 67 Int, II| dogmatism. As an orator, he was accustomed to hear arguments 68 Int, II| of a philosophy with him was that it should avoid this 69 Int, II| which seemed most probable, was the only prudent course74. 70 Int, II| progress of philosophy, which was by that very freedom brought 71 Int, II| attracted Cicero to these tenets was their evident adaptability 72 Int, II| the fact that eloquence was, as he puts it, the child 73 Int, II| sympathy92. The Academy also was the school which had the 74 Int, II| preserved the Socratic tradition was most estimable, ceteris 75 Int, II| ceteris paribus, and that man was Carneades94.~In looking 76 Int, II| must never forget that it was considered by nearly all 77 Int, II| with the first. Philosophy was emphatically defined as 78 Int, II| ordinary life of the school was carried on. These were useful 79 Int, II| eminent expositor. So much was this the case, that when 80 Int, II| Cicero wrote the Academica he was charged with constituting 81 Int, II| attraction for Cicero. He was fascinated by the Stoics 82 Int, II| xxii] after all100. There was a kind of magnificence about 83 Int, II| philosophers of the time was, whether happiness was capable 84 Int, II| time was, whether happiness was capable of degrees. The 85 Int, II| Stoics maintained that it was not, and in a remarkable 86 Int, II| former Zeno's dialectic was true and Socratic, while 87 Int, II| On the whole Cicero was more in accord with Stoic 88 Int, II| theory that all emotion was sinful; Cicero, who was 89 Int, II| was sinful; Cicero, who was very human in his joys and 90 Int, II| that on some points Cicero was inconsistent. In the De 91 Int, II| Peripatetic and Stoic ethics was merely one of terms; in 92 Int, II| comparatively small importance was in Cicero's time attached 93 Int, II| fact that ancient theology was, as all natural theology 94 Int, II| the plea that his one aim was to arouse men to the investigation 95 Int, II| Aristotelian, and that Cicero was well aware of the fact.~ 96 Int, II| Epicurean schools. The former was not very powerfully represented 97 Int, II| the Epicureans the case was different. In physics they 98 Int, II| absolutely alone, their system was grossly unintellectual, 99 Int, III| philosophical literature. Philosophy was a sealed study to those 100 Int, III| who did not know Greek. It was his aim, by putting the 101 Int, III| xxvii] the Academica113, was the first to write, and 102 Int, III| physics, the fact that there was no other philosophy for 103 Int, III| supernatural, accompanied as it was by an increase of superstition 104 Int, III| but his estimate of them was probably correct. A curious 105 Int, III| to break, since Lucretius was an obscure man and only 106 Int, III| country the reproach that it was completely destitute where 107 Int, III| completely destitute where Greek was richest. He often tries 108 Int, III| objected that philosophy was best left to the Greek language, 109 Int, III| be no doubt that Cicero was penetrated by the belief 110 Int, III| disorganisation of the law-courts, it was the one service he could 111 Int, III| For Cicero idleness was misery, and in those evil 112 Int, III| and in those evil times he was spurred on to exertion by 113 Int, III| little learning in philosophy was good, but a great deal was 114 Int, III| was good, but a great deal was a dangerous thing128. Some 115 Int, III| pressing necessity there was for works on philosophy 116 Int, III| and the Hortensius, which was introductory to philosophy, 117 Int, III| to philosophy, or, as it was then called, protreptic.~ 118 Int, IV| his villa at Astura, which was pleasantly situated on the 119 Int, IV| the book De Consolatione was written. He found the mechanic 120 Int, IV| in the busy city137.~It was amid such surroundings that 121 Int, IV| surroundings that the Academica was written. The first trace 122 Int, IV| of his bereavement138. It was his wont to depend on Atticus 123 Int, IV| Carneades accompanied; who was at that time the leader 124 Int, IV| Atticus that the De Finibus was being worked out book by 125 Int, IV| Atticus. The De Finibus was indeed begun at Astura150, 126 Int, IV| begun at Astura150, but it was still in an unfinished state 127 Int, IV| the fifth book before it was properly corrected, the 128 Int, IV| evidence that the Academica was published before the De 129 Int, IV| quite certain that the book was written at Astura, and published 130 Int, IV| to show that the former was finished and given to the 131 Int, IV| Lucullus is the one which was then affixed. Atticus, who 132 Int, IV| received by Cicero at Tusculum was one from Varro166.~On the 133 Int, IV| thing he did on his arrival was to transfer the parts of 134 Int, IV| and Brutus169. This plan was speedily cast aside on the 135 Int, IV| maintained through Atticus, who was at all times anxious to 136 Int, IV| works on which our author was then engaged had made it 137 Int, IV| years before the Academica was [xxxviii] written, to dedicate 138 Int, IV| Since the De Finibus was already "betrothed" to Brutus, 139 Int, IV| For them another place was to be found, and the remark 140 Int, IV| be found, and the remark was made that the Academica 141 Int, IV| would just suit Varro, who was a follower of Antiochus, 142 Int, IV| Atticus in the dialogue was quite an [xxxix] inferior 143 Int, IV| xxxix] inferior one, but he was so pleased with it that 144 Int, IV| should also be introduced was found impracticable180.~ 145 Int, IV| Although the work of re-editing was vigorously pushed on, Cicero 146 Int, IV| grew impatient, and Cicero was obliged to assure him that 147 Int, IV| had concluded that Cicero was afraid of the effect the 148 Int, IV| cause for his vacillation was his doubt as to how Varro 149 Int, IV| assured Cicero that there was no cause for fear; but the 150 Int, IV| Atticus affirmed that Varro was jealous of some to whom 151 Int, IV| information, on this point: was it Brutus of whom Varro 152 Int, IV| it Brutus of whom Varro was jealous? It seems strange 153 Int, IV| the letter accompanying it was carefully elaborated191. 154 Int, IV| Atticus at Rome, Cicero was still uneasy as to the reception 155 Int, IV| in Rome193. This warning was necessary, because Balbus 156 Int, IV| August, 45 B.C., when Cicero was hard at work on the Tusculan 157 Int, IV| fate of the second edition was still undecided199. From 158 Int, IV| the Academica Posteriora was completed200, and often 159 Int, IV| Tusculanae Quaestiones, which was supported by the false notion, 160 Int, IV| Academia, at which the book was written. He had indeed a 161 Int, IV| to Atticus that the work was written entirely at Astura, 162 Int, IV| letters to Atticus. That it was not unnecessary to do so 163 Int, IV| from whom the lost dialogue was named was son of the illustrious 164 Int, IV| lost dialogue was named was son of the illustrious colleague 165 Int, IV| do. I merely inquire what was their position with respect 166 Int, IV| that no very high value was placed on the learning of 167 Int, IV| considered a philosopher, he was closely linked to Cicero 168 Int, IV| of Cicero's life, Catulus was one of the foremost Optimates 169 Int, IV| voice "On you217." He alone was bold enough to rebuke the 170 Int, IV| among his countrymen220. He was not only glorious in his 171 Int, IV| his enthusiasm. Catulus was one of the viri consulares 172 Int, IV| Catilinarian conspiracy, and was the first to confer on Cicero 173 Int, IV| knowledge of the elder man was made to cast its lustre 174 Int, IV| Cicero's glorious consulship was once more lauded, and great 175 Int, IV| lauded, and great stress was laid upon the patronage 176 Int, IV| Some allusion most likely was made to the connection of 177 Int, IV| and the place where it was held, were indicated. The 178 Int, IV| were indicated. The place was the Cuman villa of Catulus226. 179 Int, IV| dialogue commenced. Allusion was undoubtedly made to the 180 Int, IV| Cicero's share, a proposal was made to discuss the great 181 Int, IV| knowledge of philosophy. He was, says Cicero, the kindest, 182 Int, IV| the holiest of men228. He was a man of universal merit, 183 Int, IV| Cicero had imitated238, and was well known as a wit and 184 Int, IV| have been concluded that he was an adherent either of the 185 Int, IV| such as Catulus undoubtedly was247, could view with indifference 186 Int, IV| Catulus the younger. It was probably introduced by a 187 Int, IV| about the πιθανον which was so distinctive of Carneades. 188 Int, IV| satisfactory basis for επιστημη, was already attained by the 189 Int, IV| that [lii] such a basis was provided by the older philosophy, 190 Int, IV| this part of the dialogue was mainly drawn by Cicero from 191 Int, IV| of Clitomachus.~Catulus was followed by Hortensius, 192 Int, IV| Academica Posteriora it was necessary to make Varro 193 Int, IV| mouth of one [liii] who was answering a speech already 194 Int, IV| Academico-Peripatetic school was unjustifiable. There is 195 Int, IV| exposition of Antiochus was merely superficial260. We 196 Int, IV| the orator from whom it was named. To any such conversion 197 Int, IV| acquaintance with philosophy as it was possible for an educated 198 Int, IV| The speech of Hortensius was answered by Cicero himself. 199 Int, IV| Academy by showing that it was in essential harmony with 200 Int, IV| of the dogmatic schools was incomplete may be seen by 201 Int, IV| of Cicero in this speech was to justify from the history 202 Int, IV| to disarm Lucullus, who was to speak next268. Yet these 203 Int, IV| argument in the Catulus was allowed by Lucullus to have 204 Int, IV| cursorily, so that there was plenty of room for a more 205 Int, IV| the argument of Catulus was answered point by point. 206 Int, IV| to Hortensius, however, was in my view such as any cultivated 207 Int, IV| wind favoured, Lucullus was to leave for his villa at 208 Int, IV| his at Pompeii278. Bauli was a little place on the gulf 209 Int, IV| The scenery in view was magnificent280. As the party 210 Int, IV| Tusculan Disputations, which was carried out immediately 211 Int, IV| energy, as a private citizen, was directed to the care of 212 Int, IV| train when he went to Sicily was the poet Archias, and during 213 Int, IV| person. At Alexandria he was found in the company of 214 Int, IV| to Atticus that Lucullus was no philosopher. He has to 215 Int, IV| The speech of Lucullus was, as I have said, mainly 216 Int, IV| the speech of Lucullus was no doubt transferred to 217 Int, IV| we have had to deal. He was nephew of Cato, whose half-sister 218 Int, IV| whose half-sister Servilia was wife of Lucullus289. Cato 219 Int, IV| wife of Lucullus289. Cato was tutor to Lucullus' son, 220 Int, IV| Aristus, whose pupil Brutus was290.~c. The Second Edition.~ 221 Int, IV| villa, at which the scene was now laid, was close to the 222 Int, IV| the scene was now laid, was close to the Lucrine lake292. 223 Int, IV| year before the Academica was published, testify to this 224 Int, IV| Philosophia302. Beyond doubt he was a follower of Antiochus 225 Int, IV| Stoics before that work was written. All that was Stoic 226 Int, IV| work was written. All that was Stoic in Varro came from 227 Int, IV| Catulus in ed. I.; to this was appended, probably, that 228 Not, 1| our common friend. Varro was much more the friend of 229 Not, 1| quo. Dav. gave quia, which was the vulgate reading down 230 Not, 1| parallel instance, however, was adduced (T.D. III. 14) and 231 Not, 1| curious ground that Brutus was not anxious to satisfy Greek 232 Not, 1| probable therefore that omnes was added from an involuntary 233 Not, 1| ignorance. Moral exhortation was his task (16). Plato added 234 Not, 1| Xenophontic view of Socrates, was the popular one in Cicero' 235 Not, 1| Crantor is added. The harmony was supposed to have been first 236 Not, 1| The ideal theory, however, was practically defunct in the 237 Not, 1| seemed much greater than it was. Non sus Minervam: a Greek 238 Not, 1| unconsciously, though it was generally attributed to 239 Not, 1| Adv. Math. VII. 16. It was probably first brought into 240 Not, 1| the subj. is strange, and was felt to be so by the writer 241 Not, 1| meaning of the Gr. εδοκει, "it was their dogma," so often. 242 Not, 1| bonum. As the Stoic finis was αρετη only, that alone to 243 Not, 1| only, that alone to them was ‛αιρετον, their πρωτα κατα 244 Not, 1| the question whether αρετη was αυταρκες προς ευδαιμονιαν 245 Not, 1| αυταρκες προς ευδαιμονιαν was one of the most important 246 Not, 1| quoted in R. and P. 382). It was both Aristotelian and Stoic. 247 Not, 1| potter (see II. 77); the word was given by Turnebus for MSS. 248 Not, 1| after Dav. eaque. Faber was right in supposing that 249 Not, 1| orthodox one that the Atom was scouted as a silly absurdity. 250 Not, 1| that in utroque, simply, was the reading, and that ultro 251 Not, 1| and continuous, the world was formed." For the in cf. 252 Not, 1| the Stoics the universe was itself sentient, cf. N.D. 253 Not, 1| Knowledge based only on sense was therefore mere opinion ( 254 Not, 1| erat: the Platonic ην, = was, as we said. In ratione 255 Not, 1| what inconsistency there was in Antiochus, who would 256 Not, 1| Cic. Tim ch. II. The term was largely used by Xenocrates ( 257 Not, 1| systematic pursuit of etymology was not earlier than Chrysippus, 258 Not, 1| and vice, he thought there was an appropriate action (officium) 259 Not, 1| in passing which the will was entirely free (40). Sensations ( 260 Not, 1| and P. 327. His real name was not Theophrastus, he was 261 Not, 1| was not Theophrastus, he was called so from his style ( 262 Not, 1| true as it stands, Polemo was an inchoate Stoic, cf. Diog. 263 Not, 1| scarcely true, for Polemo was merely one of Zeno's many 264 Not, 1| Anteiret aetate: Arcesilas was born about 315, Zeno about 265 Not, 1| are uncertain. Dissereret: was a deep reasoner. Bentl. 266 Not, 1| mala, and this question was one of the great battle 267 Not, 1| excessive difficulty there was in expressing this απαξια 268 Not, 1| passim). When the ‛ηγεμονικον was in a perfect state, there 269 Not, 1| in a perfect state, there was virtue, when it became disordered 270 Not, 1| became disordered there was vice or emotion. The battle 271 Not, 1| Stoic theory of the emotions was to bring them under the 272 Not, 1| moral freedom of the will was reconciled with the general 273 Not, 1| or ψυχη came from αιθηρ was also fostered by the language 274 Not, 1| came from Heraclitus who was a great hero of the Stoics ( 275 Not, 1| having to explain φαντασια was obliged to break off and 276 Not, 1| could be believed. This was, as Zeller remarks, equivalent 277 Not, 1| equivalent to giving up all that was valuable in the Stoic theory. 278 Not, 1| Summary. Arcesilas' philosophy was due to no mere passion for 279 Not, 1| the proper course to take was to suspend judgment entirely ( 280 Not, 1| to have thought that esse was needed to go with putandam. 281 Not, 1| ignorationis: see 16. Socrates was far from being a sceptic, 282 Not, 1| Democritus (460—357 B.C.) was really very little older 283 Not, 1| 66, note. Praecurrere: as was the case with the dogmatists. 284 Not, 2| forward in the Catulus, was allowed to stand in the 285 Not, 2| The drift of this extract was most likely this: just as 286 Not, 2| seen leaping from the water was brought up as evidence. ( 287 Not, 2| sufficient reason that Puteoli was not visible from Varro's 288 Not, 2| knowledge in the human heart was doubtless used by Varro 289 Not, 2| gained through the καταληψεις was added to a passage which 290 Not, 2| Most likely an alteration was made in the second edition, 291 Not, 2| opinion that this latter word was in the second edition changed 292 Not, 2| doctrine of the probabile was incorporated with Cicero' 293 Not, 2| the Old, all that it did was to discuss that new doctrine 294 Not, 2| opposition. The Old Academy was rather enriched than attacked 295 Not, 2| made it appear that there was a strife between it and 296 Not, 2| 1) that New Academicism was excusable from the necessities 297 Not, 2| able and cultivated man, was absent from Rome on public 298 Not, 2| proved a great general. This was due to his untiring study 299 Not, 2| civil administrator, and was allowed no triumph till 300 Not, 2| cannot now tell (3). He was not merely a general; he 301 Not, 2| not merely a general; he was also a philosopher, having 302 Not, 2| all opinions? This subject was discussed by myself, Catulus, 303 Not, 2| hands of Antiochus, who was so angry that he wrote a 304 Not, 2| Cat. Mai. 24. Caruit: "was cut off from;" carere comes 305 Not, 2| degree." Fratre: this brother was adopted by a M. Terentius 306 Not, 2| M. Terentius Varro, and was a man of distinction also; 307 Not, 2| show that the whole affair was discreditable to the father; 308 Not, 2| The ancient art of memory was begun by Simonides (who 309 Not, 2| συκοφαντια. The chief enemy was the infamous Memmius who 310 Not, 2| quaestor, arguing that as Luc. was Sulla's quaestor and Sulla 311 Not, 2| with Rome. The censorship was in 199 B.C. About the embassy 312 Not, 2| Gradu: so the word "degree" was once used, e.g. "a squire 313 Not, 2| more learned than he really was. Mortuis: Catulus died in 314 Not, 2| corrected the MSS. reading which was simply ut potuerunt, "granting 315 Not, 2| In spatio: this xystus was a colonnade with one side 316 Not, 2| Scriptum agnoscebat: i.e. it was an actual work of Ph. Tetrilius: 317 Not, 2| men of ability? Arcesilas was a rebel against a good philosophy, 318 Not, 2| philosophy, just as Ti. Gracchus was a rebel against a good government ( 319 Not, 2| Philo in his innovations was induced to state falsehoods, 320 Not, 2| scepticism from which he was fleeing. We then must either 321 Not, 2| bill (De Leg. III. 35), he was the author of the cui bono 322 Not, 2| in the year Tib. Gracchus was killed, when he refused 323 Not, 2| of the question why he was an enemy of Lucullus, Goer. 324 Not, 2| frustra quaeritur. Saturninus was the persistent enemy of 325 Not, 2| Metellus Numidicus, who was the uncle of Lucullus by 326 Not, 2| Arcesilae calumnia: this was a common charge, cf. Academicorum 327 Not, 2| in that an investigation was made." Herm. again disturbs 328 Not, 2| scepticism of Arcesilas was often excused by the provocation 329 Not, 2| Non defuit: such patronage was wanting in the time of Arcesilas ( 330 Not, 2| 121. Me appellabat: Cic. was the great advocate for the 331 Not, 2| actually existent thing) was not κατα το ‛υπαρχον, i.e. 332 Not, 2| himself with words, there was nothing new to him about 333 Not, 2| Carneades to reside in sense, he was fairly open to the retort 334 Not, 2| show that the cognisable was equivalent to the δηλον 335 Not, 2| sceptics and the dogmatists was waged over the definition 336 Not, 2| sensation. Knowledge, it was thought, was a homogeneous 337 Not, 2| Knowledge, it was thought, was a homogeneous compound of 338 Not, 2| call them, on all hands it was allowed that all knowledge 339 Not, 2| magis: = ουδεν μαλλον, which was constantly in the mouths 340 Not, 2| the ‛ορος of the Academics was merely founded on probability, 341 Not, 2| probability, just as their "truth" was (cf. n. on 29). An Academic 342 Not, 2| Interrogationis: the sorites was always in the form of a 343 Not, 2| Cic. says the Greek word was already naturalised, so 344 Not, 2| Omnia deum posse: this was a principle generally admitted 345 Not, 2| Similes: after this sunt was added by Madv. In suo genere 346 Not, 2| impressions of seals, etc. was a favourite theme with the 347 Not, 2| maintained the Stoic view, was practically refuted by his 348 Not, 2| The similarity of eggs was discussed ad nauseam by 349 Not, 2| the Academic scepticism was merely external and polemically 350 Not, 2| at Rome, with which Cic. was often taunted. See Ad Fam. 351 Not, 2| with Antiochus. When he was converted, what proof had 352 Not, 2| n. on 14. Iurarem: Cic. was thinking of his own famous 353 Not, 2| believe, he admitted that it was not easy to escape being 354 Not, 2| but this without knowledge was impossible. Knowledge consists 355 Not, 2| things as shown by sense. He was, however, by no means a 356 Not, 2| held that real knowledge was attainable by the reason. 357 Not, 2| attainable. Ironiam: the word was given in its Greek form 358 Not, 2| school; their great word was παθος. From 143 (permotiones 359 Not, 2| the semicolon at Arcesilas was added by Manutius, who is 360 Not, 2| intended than that there was no immediate or close connection. 361 Not, 2| people; the question is, what was the nature of their sensations 362 Not, 2| praeclarum prospectum: the view was a favourite one with Cic., 363 Not, 2| that the man mentioned here was called Strabo—a misnomer 364 Not, 2| Alexandros: Lysippus alone was privileged to make statues 365 Not, 2| Alexander, as Apelles alone was allowed to paint the conqueror, 366 Not, 2| 6. Non diceret: Orelli was induced by Goer. to omit 367 Not, 2| a tragedy whose subject was Αιας μαινομενος, see Ribbeck 368 Not, 2| and cannot prove it. This was clearly seen by Aristotle 369 Not, 2| probable that this spelling was antique in Cic.'s time and 370 Not, 2| Mentiris an verum dicis: the an was added by Schutz on a comparison 371 Not, 2| exception of nunc which was added by Dav. The idea of 372 Not, 2| συνημμενον, cf. Zeller 109. This was the proper term for the 373 Not, 2| not read when this note was first written. Alterum placere ... 374 Not, 2| 105). You asked how memory was possible on my principles. 375 Not, 2| is a little strange and was thought spurious by Ernesti. 376 Not, 2| consider how difficult it was for copyists not to change 377 Not, 2| Esse quaedam in visis: it was not the esse but the videri, 378 Not, 2| The threefold division was peculiarly Stoic, though 379 Not, 2| Before Halm sapientemne was read, thus was destroyed 380 Not, 2| sapientemne was read, thus was destroyed the whole point 381 Not, 2| Xenophanes ... deum: Eleaticism was in the hands of Xenoph. 382 Not, 2| according to the Stoics was homogeneous throughout, 383 Not, 2| exactly the same answer was made recently to Prof. Huxley' 384 Not, 2| speculations on protoplasm; he was said to have assumed that 385 Not, 2| existence of αντιποδες; was of course bound up with 386 Not, 2| Dei XVI. 9. Hicetas: he was followed by Heraclides Ponticus 387 Not, 2| outside limit to which Epic. was prepared to go in estimating 388 Not, 2| it probable that quemnam was the original reading here. 389 Not, 2| commentators to show that Democr. was literally an aristocrat 390 Not, 2| highest form of the deity" who was of course one in the Stoic 391 Not, 2| lucere, etc. The sunlight was the stock example of a most 392 Not, 2| Signum illud: the xystus (9) was adorned with statues; edd. 393 Not, 2| history. The Megarian system was indeed an ethical development 394 Not, 2| 182. The Erctrian school was closely connected with the 395 Not, 2| not Aristo of Ceos, who was a Peripatetic; for the difference 396 Not, 2| R. and P. 338. Απαθεια was also a Stoic term. Diu multumque: 397 Not, 2| the supposed sapiens, as was Ethical Science in 129—141 398 Not, 2| εστιν, ‛ημερα εστιν than was given in 96, where see n. 399 Not, 2| elsewhere used by Cic.) was manufactured on the spur 400 Not, 2| concitare? Expromam: Cic. was probably thinking of the 401 Not, 2| other schools each sensation was an ultimate unanalysable 402 Not, 2| original meaning of this was "to be a bystander," or "