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Alphabetical [« »] odore 1 odour 1 odysseus 1 of 2313 off 40 offence 2 offences 1 | Frequency [« »] ----- ----- 4302 the 2313 of 2051 in 1618 to 1264 and | Marcus Tullius Cicero Academica Concordances of |
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1 Ded | TO~THOSE OF HIS PUPILS~WHO HAVE READ 2 Pre | PREFACE.~Since the work of Davies appeared in 1725, 3 Pre | explanatory notes is that of Goerenz, published in 1810. 4 Pre | poverty and untrustworthiness of Goerenz's learning Madvig' 5 Pre | evidence; while the work of Davies, though in every 6 Pre | way far superior to that of Goerenz, is very deficient 7 Pre | judged by the criticism of the present time.~This edition 8 Pre | This edition has grown out of a course of Intercollegiate 9 Pre | has grown out of a course of Intercollegiate lectures 10 Pre | its present shape will be of use to undergraduate students 11 Pre | to undergraduate students of the Universities, and also 12 Pre | the philosophical works of Cicero are studied, but 13 Pre | practical reference to the needs of junior students. During 14 Pre | Academica with a large number of intelligent pupils, and 15 Pre | there is scarcely a note of mine which has not been 16 Pre | some difficulty or want of theirs. My plan has been, 17 Pre | and the literary history of the Academica as could not 18 Pre | obtaining a higher knowledge of Ciceronian Latinity, and 19 Pre | said to be founded on that of Halm which appeared in the 20 Pre | appeared in the edition of Cicero's philosophical works 21 Pre | 1861 under the editorship of Baiter and Halm as a continuation 22 Pre | and Halm as a continuation of Orelli's second edition 23 Pre | Orelli's second edition of Cicero's works, which was 24 Pre | interrupted by the death of that editor. I have never 25 Pre | never however allowed one of Halm's readings to pass 26 Pre | nearer the MSS. than that of Halm. My obligations other 27 Pre | Baiter's text in the edition of Cicero's works by himself 28 Pre | have introduced emendations of my own, and that only where 29 Pre | only where the conjecttires of other Editors seemed to 30 Pre | in the notes, questions of textual criticism, I may 31 Pre | that the very excellence of the texts now in use is 32 Pre | depriving a Classical training of a great deal of its old 33 Pre | training of a great deal of its old educational value. 34 Pre | meaning and to a mastery of the Latin tongue. The acceptance 35 Pre | Latin tongue. The acceptance of results without a knowledge 36 Pre | results without a knowledge of the processes by which they 37 Pre | worthless for the purposes of education, which is thus 38 Pre | peculiarities and niceties of language which the best 39 Pre | them to the best teaching of Madvig, on whose foundation 40 Pre | every succeeding editor of Cicero must build. His edition 41 Pre | must build. His edition of the De Finibus contains 42 Pre | also the subject-matter of the Academica, than all 43 Pre | all the professed editions of the latter work in existence. 44 Pre | provide material by means of which the student might 45 Pre | difficulty that occurred. Want of space has compelled me often 46 Pre | is no important doctrine of Ancient Philosophy which 47 Pre | the English translation of Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans 48 Pre | the Historia Philosophiae of Ritter and Preller. The 49 Pre | pages, not the sections, of the fourth edition of this 50 Pre | sections, of the fourth edition of this work are quoted. These 51 Pre | ought to place in the hands of pupils who are studying 52 Pre | studying a philosophical work of Cicero. Students at the 53 Pre | and Sextus Empiricus, all of which have been published 54 Pre | information illustrative of the Academica, which was 55 Pre | which was before difficult of access. The present work 56 Pre | for no English scholar of recent times has treated 57 Pre | has treated any portion of Cicero's philosophical works 58 Pre | the same plan some others of the less known and less 59 Pre | and less edited portions of Cicero's writings.~In dealing 60 Pre | great gain, even at the cost of some errors, to throw off 61 Pre | that intellectual disease of over-fastidiousness which 62 Pre | else the unproductiveness of English scholarship as compared 63 Pre | scholarship as compared with that of Germany,~I have only to 64 Pre | be thankful for notices of errors and omissions from 65 Abbr | LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS 66 Abbr | D.F. = Madvig's edition of the De Finibus; Opusc. = 67 Abbr | Dict. Biogr. = Dictionary of Classical Biography.~Cf. = 68 Int | THE ACADEMICA OF CICERO.~[i] ~INTRODUCTION.~ 69 Int, I | I. Cicero as a Student of Philosophy and Man of Letters: 70 Int, I | Student of Philosophy and Man of Letters: 90—45 B.C.~It would 71 Int, I | from his father, who, being of infirm health, lived constantly 72 Int, I | and spent the greater part of his time in study.1 From 73 Int, I | Cicero to feel the importance of a study of philosophy to 74 Int, I | the importance of a study of philosophy to serve as a 75 Int, I | narrow rhetorical discipline of the time.2~Cicero's first 76 Int, I | Phaedrus, then at Rome because of the unsettled state of Athens, 77 Int, I | because of the unsettled state of Athens, whose lectures he 78 Int, I | converted at once to the tenets of the [ii] master.3 Phaedrus 79 Int, I | Phaedrus remained to the end of his life a friend of Cicero, 80 Int, I | end of his life a friend of Cicero, who speaks warmly 81 Int, I | speaks warmly in praise of his teacher's amiable disposition 82 Int, I | perhaps, the exception of Lucretius, whom the orator 83 Int, I | impressions from the teaching of Phaedrus. It was probably 84 Int, I | probably at this period of their lives that Atticus 85 Int, I | Patro, who succeeded Zeno of Sidon as head of the Epicurean 86 Int, I | succeeded Zeno of Sidon as head of the Epicurean school.5~At 87 Int, I | also heard the lectures of Diodotus the Stoic, with 88 Int, I | not exclusively, the art of dialectic.6 This art, which 89 Int, I | was then the monopoly of the Stoic school. For some 90 Int, I | two lasted till the death of Diodotus, who, according 91 Int, I | by the Roman Stoic circle of the time of Scipio and Laelius, 92 Int, I | Stoic circle of the time of Scipio and Laelius, became 93 Int, I | Laelius, became an inmate of Cicero's house, where he 94 Int, I | He seems to have been one of the most accomplished [iii] 95 Int, I | most accomplished [iii] men of his time, and Cicero's feelings 96 Int, I | feelings towards him were those of gratitude, esteem, and admiration.8~ 97 Int, I | B.C. the celebrated Philo of Larissa, then head of the 98 Int, I | Philo of Larissa, then head of the Academic school, came 99 Int, I | school, came to Rome, one of a number of eminent Greeks 100 Int, I | to Rome, one of a number of eminent Greeks who fled 101 Int, I | from Athens on the approach of its siege during the Mithridatic 102 Int, I | like Diodotus, was a man of versatile genius: unlike 103 Int, I | was a perfect master both of the theory and the practice 104 Int, I | theory and the practice of oratory. Cicero had scarcely 105 Int, I | the old judicial system of Rome was overthrown for 106 Int, I | Cicero was twenty years of age, he had been brought 107 Int, I | connection with at least three of the most eminent philosophers 108 Int, I | most eminent philosophers of the age, who represented 109 Int, I | and with the main tenets of each. His own statements, 110 Int, I | and the ethical teaching of the Greeks; but there can 111 Int, I | concerning the ethical part of Greek philosophy.~During 112 Int, I | incessantly with the study of philosophy, law, rhetoric, 113 Int, I | city after his conquest of the Marian party in Italy, 114 Int, I | the one philosophic orator of Rome, as he not unjustly 115 Int, I | was implicated in the case of Roscius. The silence of 116 Int, I | of Roscius. The silence of Cicero is enough to condemn 117 Int, I | better evidence than that of Plutarch. Cicero himself, 118 Int, I | mentioning his speech in defence of Roscius, never assigns any 119 Int, I | by his passionate style of oratory13.~The whole two 120 Int, I | were spent in the society of Greek philosophers and rhetoricians. 121 Int, I | with the exception [v] of Demetrius Syrus, there were 122 Int, I | the city14. By the advice of Philo himself15, Cicero 123 Int, I | Cicero attended the lectures of that clear thinker and writer, 124 Int, I | Diogenes calls him16, Zeno of Sidon, now the head of the 125 Int, I | Zeno of Sidon, now the head of the Epicurean school. In 126 Int, I | those pupils and admirers of Carneades whom he had known18. 127 Int, I | eminent representatives of the Stoic school then at 128 Int, I | Nor is any mention made of a Peripatetic teacher whose 129 Int, I | professed Peripatetic, was one of his companions in this sojourn 130 Int, I | were at this time living. Of these Staseas of Naples, 131 Int, I | living. Of these Staseas of Naples, who lived some time 132 Int, I | however, from a mention of [vi] him in the De Oratore, 133 Int, I | Piso. Diodorus, the pupil of Critolaus, is frequently 134 Int, I | this period was Antiochus of Ascalon, now the representative 135 Int, I | now the representative of a Stoicised Academic school. 136 Int, I | Stoicised Academic school. Of this teacher, however, I 137 Int, I | abilities and the learning of Antiochus, especially in 138 Int, I | principles. Cicero speaks of him as eminent among the 139 Int, I | eminent among the philosophers of the time, both for talent 140 Int, I | acquirement 23; as a man of acute intellect24; as possessed 141 Int, I | intellect24; as possessed of a pointed style25; in fine, 142 Int, I | most cultivated and keenest of the philosophers of the 143 Int, I | keenest of the philosophers of the age26. A considerable 144 Int, I | the fact that many friends of the latter, such as Piso, 145 Int, I | less adhered to the views of Antiochus. It is improbable 146 Int, I | with Aristus the brother of Antiochus, since in the 147 Int, I | vii] The main purpose of Cicero while at Athens had 148 Int, I | rhetoric, under the guidance of the most noted Greek teachers, 149 Int, I | noted Greek teachers, chief of whom, was his old friend 150 Int, I | friend Molo, the coryphaeus of the Rhodian school29. Cicero, 151 Int, I | largely influenced his views of philosophy, that with Posidonius 152 Int, I | with Posidonius the pupil of Panaetius, the most famous 153 Int, I | Panaetius, the most famous Stoic of the age. To him Cicero makes 154 Int, I | other instructor. He speaks of him as the greatest of the 155 Int, I | speaks of him as the greatest of the Stoics30; as a most 156 Int, I | whom Pompey, in the midst of his eastern campaigns, put 157 Int, I | without some expression of affection, and Cicero tells 158 Int, I | his works more than those of any other author33. Posidonius 159 Int, I | the Rhodian, another pupil of Panaetius, may have been 160 Int, I | and Dardanus, also hearers of Panaetius, belonged to an 161 Int, I | acquainted with the works of the former, he does not 162 Int, I | 68 B.C., when the series of letters begins, Cicero was 163 Int, I | his style by much study of the Greek writers, and especially 164 Int, I | and frequented the houses of the Optimates; to this he 165 Int, I | contained in the first book of those addressed to Atticus, 166 Int, I | B.C., afford many proofs of the abiding strength of 167 Int, I | of the abiding strength of his passion for literary 168 Int, I | employment. In the earlier part of this time we find him entreating 169 Int, I | he looks as the support of his old age34. In the midst 170 Int, I | old age34. In the midst of his busiest political occupations, 171 Int, I | was given to the adornment of his Tusculan villa in a 172 Int, I | may be taken as a specimen of his spirit throughout his 173 Int, I | before all things a man of letters; compared with literature, 174 Int, I | year belong the publication of his speeches, which were [ 175 Int, I | he says, with the maxims of philosophy35; the history 176 Int, I | philosophy35; the history of his consulship, in Latin 177 Int, I | poem on his consulship, of which some fragments remain. 178 Int, I | with enthusiasm the works of Dicaearchus, and keeping 179 Int, I | philosophers36. His long lack of leisure seems to have caused 180 Int, I | you love me and feel sure of my love for you, use all 181 Int, I | use all the endeavours of your friends, clients, acquaintances, 182 Int, I | permit37." At this period of his life Cicero spent much 183 Int, I | on these facts, because of the idea now spread abroad 184 Int, I | were extempore paraphrases of Greek books half understood. 185 Int, I | appetite for every kind of literature was insatiable, 186 Int, I | certainly the most learned Roman of his age, with the single 187 Int, I | with the single exception of Varro. One of his letters 188 Int, I | exception of Varro. One of his letters to Atticus38 189 Int, I | will give a fair picture of his life at this time. He 190 Int, I | studied the political writings of [x] the Greeks, such as 191 Int, I | memoirs after the fashion, of Theopompus40.~The years 192 Int, I | overwhelmed all thought of other occupation. Soon after 193 Int, I | knowledge. He spent great part of the year 55 at Cumae or 194 Int, I | feeding upon" the library of Faustus Sulla, the son of 195 Int, I | of Faustus Sulla, the son of the Dictator42. Literature 196 Int, I | Atticus had, beneath a bust of Aristotle, than in the ivory 197 Int, I | than in the ivory chair of office. Towards the end 198 Int, I | office. Towards the end of the year, he was busily 199 Int, I | accordance with nature, that of the student44. During this 200 Int, I | for the most part at those of his country villas where 201 Int, I | where his best collections of books were. At this time 202 Int, I | especially mentioned as one of the authors [xi] read at 203 Int, I | and the older philosophers of the Socratic schools.~In 204 Int, I | his own pleasure and that of the Athenians. He stayed 205 Int, I | He stayed in the house of Aristus, the brother of 206 Int, I | of Aristus, the brother of Antiochus and teacher of 207 Int, I | of Antiochus and teacher of Brutus. His acquaintance 208 Int, I | also speaks in kindly terms of Xeno, an Epicurean friend 209 Int, I | Xeno, an Epicurean friend of Atticus, who was then with 210 Int, I | prevent Memmius, the pupil of the great Roman Epicurean 211 Int, I | disappointed with the state of philosophy at Athens, Aristus 212 Int, I | Aristus being the only man of merit then resident there49. 213 Int, I | he made the acquaintance of Cratippus, who afterwards 214 Int, I | taught at Athens as head of the Peripatetic school50. 215 Int, I | the greatest, Cicero said, of all the Peripatetics he 216 Int, I | merit to the most eminent of that school52.~The care 217 Int, I | that school52.~The care of that disordered province 218 Int, I | s thoughts till the end of 50. [xii] Yet he yearned 219 Int, I | wished to leave some memorial of himself at the beautiful 220 Int, I | It seems the Athenians of the time were in the habit 221 Int, I | the time were in the habit of adapting their ancient statues 222 Int, I | to suit the noble Romans of the day, and of placing 223 Int, I | noble Romans of the day, and of placing on them fulsome 224 Int, I | them fulsome inscriptions. Of this practice Cicero speaks 225 Int, I | loathing. In one letter of this date he carefully discusses 226 Int, I | home from Cilicia he spoke of conferring on the city some 227 Int, I | Rhodes, with its school of eloquence, to the two boys 228 Int, I | among them Xeno the friend of Atticus58.~On Cicero's return 229 Int, I | contrasts the statesmen of the time with the Scipio 230 Int, I | Republica59; when he thinks of Caesar, Plato's description 231 Int, I | Caesar, Plato's description of the tyrant is present to [ 232 Int, I | naturally recals the example of Socrates, who refused to 233 Int, I | Athens amid the misrule of the thirty tyrants61. It 234 Int, I | Cicero, in the very midst of civil war, poring over the 235 Int, I | war, poring over the book of Demetrius the Magnesian 236 Int, I | arguing with himself a string of abstract philosophical propositions 237 Int, I | that he was really a man of books; by nothing but accident 238 Int, I | richer fruit than in his days of prosperity66. The tenor 239 Int, I | prosperity66. The tenor of all his letters at this 240 Int, I | the year. Before the end of the year the Hortensius 241 Int, I | the Academica, the history of which I shall trace elsewhere, 242 Int, I | finished the first portion of my task; I have shown Cicero 243 Int, I | shown Cicero as the man of letters and the student 244 Int, I | letters and the student of philosophy during that portion 245 Int, I | philosophy during that portion of his life which preceded 246 Int, I | which preceded the writing of the Academica. Even the 247 Int, I | such indirect indications of philosophical study as might 248 Int, I | actual philosophical works of Cicero, is sufficient to 249 Int, I | people on the publication of his first book of the later 250 Int, I | publication of his first book of the later period—the Hortensius— 251 Int, I | thoughts throughout the whole of a wonderfully energetic 252 Int, I | energetic life69. Did the scope of this edition allow it, I 253 Int, I | showing from a minute survey of his works, and a comparison 254 Int, I | works, and a comparison of them with ancient authorities, 255 Int, I | authorities, that his knowledge of Greek philosophy was nearly 256 Int, I | my notes an opportunity of defending Cicero's substantial 257 Int, I | s substantial accuracy; of the success of the defence 258 Int, I | accuracy; of the success of the defence I must leave 259 Int, I | judge. During the progress of this work I shall have to 260 Int, I | expose the groundlessness of many feelings and judgments 261 Int, I | to produce a low estimate of Cicero's philosophical attainments, 262 Int, I | but there is one piece of unfairness which I shall 263 Int, I | have no better opportunity of mentioning [xv] than the 264 Int, I | suffer for the shortcomings of Cicero the politician. Scholars 265 Int, I | illustrious Mommsen, who speaks of the De Legibus as "an oasis 266 Int, I | an oasis in the desert of this dreary and voluminous 267 Int, II | The Philosophical Opinions of Cicero.~In order to define 268 Int, II | with clearness the position of Cicero as a student of philosophy, 269 Int, II | position of Cicero as a student of philosophy, it would be 270 Int, II | detailed historical examination of the later Greek schools— 271 Int, II | they came from the hands of their founders, but as they 272 Int, II | Posidonius and the other pupils of Panaetius propounded it; 273 Int, II | merely the Epicureanism of Epicurus, but that of Zeno, 274 Int, II | Epicureanism of Epicurus, but that of Zeno, Phaedrus, Patro, and 275 Int, II | Cratippus; the new Academicism of Philo as well as that of 276 Int, II | of Philo as well as that of Arcesilas and Carneades; 277 Int, II | and Carneades; the medley of Academicism, Peripateticism, 278 Int, II | by Antiochus in the name of the Old [xvi] Academy. A 279 Int, II | earlier and later forms of doctrine held by these schools 280 Int, II | earlier representatives of the school. Should any discrepancy 281 Int, II | those who were at the head of the school in his day. The 282 Int, II | in his day. The criticism of Madvig even is not free 283 Int, II | notes on several passages of the Academica70. As my space 284 Int, II | schools.~The two main tasks of the later Greek philosophy 285 Int, II | insists, the establishment of a criterion such as would 286 Int, II | false, and the determination of an ethical standard71. We 287 Int, II | Academica Cicero's view of the first problem: that 288 Int, II | problem: that the attainment of any infallible criterion 289 Int, II | be to anticipate the text of the Lucullus as well as 290 Int, II | persuasiveness on both sides of a case. It seemed to him 291 Int, II | proposition with a conviction of its absolute, indestructible 292 Int, II | irrefragable truth. One requisite of a philosophy with him was 293 Int, II | arrogance73. Philosophers of the highest respectability 294 Int, II | repelled him from the fury of dogmatism. He repeatedly 295 Int, II | insists that the diversities of opinion which the most famous 296 Int, II | meekness75. In positiveness of assertion there seemed to 297 Int, II | and disgraceful, unworthy of a self-controlled character76. 298 Int, II | Here we have a touch of feeling thoroughly Roman. 299 Int, II | forward by a long series of English thinkers from Milton 300 Int, II | show that the free conflict of opinion is necessary [xviii] 301 Int, II | xviii] to the progress of philosophy, which was by 302 Int, II | and the baneful effects of authority are often depicted79. 303 Int, II | duty to discuss all aspects of every question, after the 304 Int, II | question, after the example of the Old Academy and Aristotle80. 305 Int, II | demand a dogmatic statement of belief are mere busybodies81. 306 Int, II | Academics glory in their freedom of judgment. They are not compelled 307 Int, II | or no, merely because one of their predecessors has laid 308 Int, II | that in the fifth book of the Tusculan Disputations, 309 Int, II | variance with the whole of the fourth book of the De 310 Int, II | whole of the fourth book of the De Finibus, and when 311 Int, II | The Academic sips the best of every school85. He roams 312 Int, II | roams in the wide field of philosophy, while the Stoic 313 Int, II | to rid himself and others of the mists of error87. This 314 Int, II | and others of the mists of error87. This spirit is 315 Int, II | adaptability to the purposes of oratory, and the fact that 316 Int, II | as he puts it, the child of the Academy90. Orators, 317 Int, II | nourishment in the teaching of the Academic and Peripatetic 318 Int, II | cared nothing for power of expression. Again, the Academic 319 Int, II | with which the common sense of the world could have most 320 Int, II | second great problem, that of the ethical standard, we 321 Int, II | the later philosophers as of overwhelming importance 322 Int, II | emphatically defined as the art of [xx] conduct (ars vivendi). 323 Int, II | reared. This is equally true of the Pyrrhonian scepticism 324 Int, II | Pyrrhonian scepticism and of the dogmatism of Zeno and 325 Int, II | scepticism and of the dogmatism of Zeno and Epicurus. Their 326 Int, II | which the ordinary life of the school was carried on. 327 Int, II | were useful chiefly in case of attack by the enemy; in 328 Int, II | attack by the enemy; in time of peace ethics held the supremacy. 329 Int, II | passage in the beginning of the Academica Posteriora95, 330 Int, II | were direct imitations of early Academic and Peripatetic 331 Int, II | considered ethical resemblance as of far greater moment than 332 Int, II | upon Cicero as a supporter of their "Vetus Academia," 333 Int, II | so long as he kept clear of dialectic; when he brought 334 Int, II | constituting himself the champion of an exploded and discredited 335 Int, II | dialectic. In the sphere of morals he felt the danger 336 Int, II | morals he felt the danger of the principle of doubt. 337 Int, II | danger of the principle of doubt. Even in the De Legibus 338 Int, II | in the De Legibus spoken of with considerable favour98. 339 Int, II | almost beyond the power of resistance. In respect of 340 Int, II | of resistance. In respect of their ethical and religious 341 Int, II | with something like shame of the treatment they had received 342 Int, II | had received at the hands of Arcesilas and Carneades. 343 Int, II | all100. There was a kind of magnificence about the Stoic 344 Int, II | more than the barrenness of the Stoic dialectic repelled 345 Int, II | farther in the direction of Stoicism than even his teacher 346 Int, II | divided the philosophers of the time was, whether happiness 347 Int, II | whether happiness was capable of degrees. The Stoics maintained 348 Int, II | explicitly rejecting the position of Antiochus, that a life enriched 349 Int, II | allow that the happiness of the wise man would remain 350 Int, II | were thrust into the bull of Phalaris103. In another 351 Int, II | merely an ignoble craftsman of words, stole them from the 352 Int, II | in stealing the doctrines of Zeno, ever stoutly maintained 353 Int, II | regarded chiefly the ethics of Zeno with this feeling, 354 Int, II | Socrates as the apostle of doubt106. On the whole Cicero 355 Int, II | Stoic ethics was merely one of terms; in the Tusculan Disputations 356 Int, II | The most Stoic in tone of all his works are the Tusculan 357 Int, II | attached to this branch of philosophy. Its chief importance 358 Int, II | theology must be, an appendage of physical science. The religious 359 Int, II | grand universal operation of divine power. Piety, sanctity, 360 Int, II | divine [xxiv] government of the universe were denied109. 361 Int, II | men to the investigation of the truth110. At the same 362 Int, II | by the late Peripatetics of many Stoic doctrines, which 363 Int, II | the most important works of Aristotle had fallen111. 364 Int, II | contrives to correct many of the extravagances of the 365 Int, II | many of the extravagances of the Stoic physics by a study 366 Int, II | Stoic physics by a study of Aristotle and Plato. For 367 Int, II | a thorough understanding of his notions about physics, 368 Int, II | about physics, the Timaeus of Plato, which he knew well 369 Int, II | that Cicero was well aware of the fact.~Very few words 370 Int, II | characterize Cicero's estimate of the Peripatetic and Epicurean 371 Int, II | philosophical descendants of the author of the Organon 372 Int, II | descendants of the author of the Organon were notorious 373 Int, II | notorious for their ignorance of logic112, and in ethics 374 Int, II | it tenderly for the sake of its great past, deeming 375 Int, II | deeming it a worthy branch of the true Socratic family. 376 Int, II | every adornment and beauty of language. ~ 377 Int, III | III. The aim of Cicero in writing his philosophical 378 Int, III | charge Cicero with a want of originality as a philosopher, 379 Int, III | misconception, not merely of Cicero's purpose in writing, 380 Int, III | purpose in writing, but of the whole spirit of the 381 Int, III | but of the whole spirit of the later Greek speculation. 382 Int, III | If the later philosophy of the Greeks is of any value, 383 Int, III | philosophy of the Greeks is of any value, Cicero's works 384 Int, III | value, Cicero's works are of equal value, for it is only 385 Int, III | get any full or clear view of it. Any one who attempts 386 Int, III | reconcile the contradictions of Stobaeus, Diogenes Laertius, 387 Int, III | out against the confusion of Ciceros ideas. Such outcry, 388 Int, III | I have already noticed, of any clear exposition of 389 Int, III | of any clear exposition of the [xxvi] variations in 390 Int, III | to return to the charge of want of originality. This 391 Int, III | return to the charge of want of originality. This is a virtue 392 Int, III | claims. There is scarcely one of his works (if we except 393 Int, III | we except the third book of the De Officiis), which 394 Int, III | combination after another of pre-existing tenets. It 395 Int, III | conclude that the writers of these two centuries are 396 Int, III | are therefore undeserving of our study, for the spirit, 397 Int, III | spirit, if not the substance of the doctrines had undergone 398 Int, III | said to have been destitute of a philosophical literature. 399 Int, III | to extend the education of his countrymen, and to enrich 400 Int, III | a blow at the ascendency of Epicureanism throughout 401 Int, III | throughout Italy. The doctrines of Epicurus had alone appeared 402 Int, III | Epicurean literature in Latin, of which all but a few scanty 403 Int, III | He had a large number of imitators, who obtained 404 Int, III | language, they took possession of the whole of Italy115. Rabirius 405 Int, III | possession of the whole of Italy115. Rabirius and Catius 406 Int, III | possibly the epicure and friend of Horace, were two of the 407 Int, III | friend of Horace, were two of the most noted of these 408 Int, III | were two of the most noted of these writers. Cicero assigns 409 Int, III | popularity: the easy nature of the Epicurean physics, the 410 Int, III | voluptuous blandishments of pleasure. This last cause, 411 Int, III | to allow, must have been of little real importance. 412 Int, III | remarkable that the whole of the Roman Epicurean literature 413 Int, III | physics than with the ethics of Epicurus. The explanation 414 Int, III | and social constitution of the family, and did not 415 Int, III | did not much feel the need of any speculative system; 416 Int, III | among the educated classes of a belief in the supernatural, 417 Int, III | as it was by an increase of superstition among the masses, 418 Int, III | the way for the acceptance of a purely mechanical explanation 419 Int, III | purely mechanical explanation of the universe. But of this 420 Int, III | explanation of the universe. But of this subject, interesting 421 Int, III | for their uncouth style of writing116. He indeed confesses 422 Int, III | read them, but his estimate of them was probably correct. 423 Int, III | for omitting all mention of Lucretius when speaking 424 Int, III | Lucretius when speaking of these Roman Epicureans. 425 Int, III | could come from the school of Epicurus, preferred to keep 426 Int, III | remove from the literature of his country the reproach 427 Int, III | indignation, accusing them of being untrue to their country118. 428 Int, III | for the alleged incapacity of the Roman intellect to deal 429 Int, III | enquiries, he will not hear of it. It is only, he says, 430 Int, III | says, because the energy of the nation has been diverted 431 Int, III | has been made. The history of Roman oratory is referred 432 Int, III | is referred to in support of this opinion121. If only 433 Int, III | given at Rome to the pursuit of philosophy, already on the 434 Int, III | flourish and take the place of oratory, which he believed 435 Int, III | be expiring amid the din of civil war122.~There can 436 Int, III | amid the disorganisation of the law-courts, it was the 437 Int, III | or worse, as did so many of the most prominent men of 438 Int, III | of the most prominent men of the time124. For Cicero 439 Int, III | Philosophy took the place of forensic oratory, public 440 Int, III | were merely the amusement of the wealthy; the total devotion 441 Int, III | wealthy; the total devotion of a life to them seemed well 442 Int, III | unstatesmanlike127. There were plenty of Romans who were ready to 443 Int, III | Others, like the Neoptolemus of Ennius, thought a little 444 Int, III | required the composition of a sort of philosophical 445 Int, III | the composition of a sort of philosophical encyclopaedia. 446 Int, III | more than an interpreter of Greek philosophy [xxxi] 447 Int, III | pretended to present new views of philosophy, or even original 448 Int, III | the supposed worthlessness of the philosophy of his age.~ 449 Int, III | worthlessness of the philosophy of his age.~In accordance with 450 Int, III | protreptic.~For a list of the philosophical works 451 Int, III | the philosophical works of Cicero, and the dates of 452 Int, III | of Cicero, and the dates of their composition, the student 453 Int, III | be referred to the Dict. of Biography, Art. Cicero. ~ 454 Int, IV | IV. History of the Academica.~On the death 455 Int, IV | Academica.~On the death of Tullia, which happened at 456 Int, IV | took refuge in the solitude of his villa at Astura, which 457 Int, IV | found the mechanic exercise of composition the best solace 458 Int, IV | repelled the entreaties of Atticus that he would return 459 Int, IV | written. The first trace of an intention to write the 460 Int, IV | treatise is found in a letter of Cicero to Atticus, which 461 Int, IV | belong to the first few weeks of his bereavement138. It was 462 Int, IV | he asks for just the kind of information which would 463 Int, IV | at that time the leader of the Epicurean school; who 464 Int, IV | πολιτικοι at Athens. The meaning of the last question is made 465 Int, IV | xxxiii] where Cicero speaks of the combined Academic and 466 Int, IV | reference to the progress of the Academica that in a 467 Int, IV | undertakings141. During the whole of the remainder of his sojourn 468 Int, IV | the whole of the remainder of his sojourn at Astura he 469 Int, IV | but although he speaks of various other literary projects, 470 Int, IV | in his letters to Atticus of the Academica142. He declares 471 Int, IV | engaged within the same space of time that he has taken to 472 Int, IV | them143.~In the beginning of June Cicero spent a few 473 Int, IV | place he wrote to Atticus of his intention to proceed 474 Int, IV | Tusculum or Rome by way of Lanuvium about the middle 475 Int, IV | Lanuvium about the middle of June146. He had in the time 476 Int, IV | returned at all, a delay of even ten years would make 477 Int, IV | understood that the first edition of the Academica, along with 478 Int, IV | after the first edition of the Academica had been placed 479 Int, IV | been placed in the hands of Atticus. The De Finibus 480 Int, IV(150)| there is a distinct mention of the first two books.~ 481 Int, IV | The final arrangement of the characters in the De 482 Int, IV | obtain surreptitiously a copy of the fifth book before it 483 Int, IV | at Astura.~Another view of the συνταγματα in question 484 Int, IV | entitled Catulus and Lucullus, of the Priora Academica. In 485 Int, IV | the word συνταγμα, the use of which to denote a portion 486 Int, IV | which to denote a portion of a work Madvig suspects155, 487 Int, IV | Cicero uses the word συνταξις of the whole work156, while 488 Int, IV | definite portions or divisions of a work. I should be quite 489 Int, IV | then, to refer the words of Cicero to the Catulus and 490 Int, IV | be found in the letters of Cicero. We are quite certain 491 Int, IV | alone159, but the words of Cicero in the De Finibus160 492 Int, IV | a tolerably large circle of readers. Further, in the 493 Int, IV | therefore stands in the way of Krische's conjecture, except 494 Int, IV | expressed as to the use of the word συνταγμα, which 495 Int, IV | tone, than any two works of Cicero, excepting perhaps 496 Int, IV | Priora, for the introduction of Balbus into some editions 497 Int, IV | Balbus into some editions of the fragments of the Hortensius 498 Int, IV | editions of the fragments of the Hortensius is an error162. 499 Int, IV | Hortensius at the villa of Lucullus near Cumae. It 500 Int, IV | villa, soon after the middle of June, B.C. 45, Cicero sent